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THE  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN 
IN  BOSTON 


AN  INVESTIGATION  BY  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  RESEARCH 
WOMEN’S  EDUCATIONAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  UNION,  BOSTON 

LUCILE  EAVES,  Ph.D.,  Director 

IN  CO-OPERATION  WITH  THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT  OF  HEALTH 


plicate, 


BOSTON 

WRIGHT  & POTTER  PRINTING  CO.,  STATE  PRINTERS 
32  DERNE  STREET 
1917 


v, 


®l)c  Commcmiucflltli  of  ittassacliusetts 

STATE  DEPARTMENT  OF  HEALTH 


THE  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN 
IN  BOSTON 


AN  INVESTIGATION  BY  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  RESEARCH 
WOMEN’S  EDUCATIONAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  UNION,  BOSTON 

LUCILE  EAVES,  Ph.D.,  Director 

IN  CO-OPERATION  WITH  THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT  OF  HEALTH 


BOSTON 

WRIGHT  & POTTER  PRINTING  CO.,  STATE  PRINTERS 
32  DERNE  STREET 
1917 


Publication  of  this  Document 

APPROVED  BY  THE 

Supervisor  of  Administration. 


D.  of  D. 
may  15  19/g 


Si  Jr-yth 


266892 

MARCH  1930 


■a  ? \ 


REMOTE  STORAGE 


PREFACE. 


This  investigation  of  the  food  of  working  women  in  Boston  was 
suggested  by  Dean  Sarah  Louise  Arnold  of  Simmons  College,  who 
was  serving  as  chairman  of  a committee  appointed  by  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Conference  of  Charities  and  Corrections  to  consider  ways 
of  assisting  women  employed  in  Boston  and  living  away  from  their 
families.  Several  previous  investigations  had  supplied  information 
about  lodging,  but  there  were  no  available  data  which  would  show 
whether  such  women  were  obtaining  nourishing  food  at  a price 
adapted  to  their  incomes.  The  State  Department  of  Health,  in  con- 
ference, expressed  an  appreciation  of  the  social  significance  of  the 
— subject,  and  accepted  the  co-operation  of  the  Research  Department 
of  the  Women’s  Educational  and  Industrial  Union,  and  were  willing 
to  assist  in  placing  the  results  of  such  a study  before  the  public. 

It  seemed  peculiarly  appropriate  that  the  Women’s  Educational 
and  Industrial  Union  should  undertake  such  an  investigation,  be- 
cause the  topic  is  intimately  related  to  its  past  heritage  and  present 
activities.  Several  of  the  pioneer  enterprises  of  Mrs.  Ellen  H. 
Richards,  which  established  Boston’s  claims  to  leadership  in  the 
efforts  to  promote  the  practical  applications  of  dietary  knowledge, 
are  now  being  carried  on  by  the  Union.  The  most  notable  of  these 
are  the  New  England  Kitchen,  which  was  established  in  1890  for  the 
purpose  of  demonstrating  methods  of  supplying  attractive  and 
nutritious  food  at  moderate  prices,  and  the  luncheons  for  high 
schools  which  were  started  in  1894  as  the  first  American  effort  to 
deal  in  a scientific  way  with  the  nourishment  of  school  children. 

It  is  evident  that  the  information  sought  in  this  investigation  is 
of  fundamental  importance  in  the  formation  of  plans  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  aims  of  the  Union,  namely,  the  promotion  of  the  best 
practical  methods  for  securing  the  educational,  industrial  and  social 
advancement  of  women.  In  pursuance  of  these  aims  there  has  been 
much  co-operation  in  public  health  activities  and  in  efforts  to  secure 
legislation  beneficial  to  working  women.  However,  social  obligations 
for  the  protection  of  the  health  of  the  future  mothers  of  the  race  do 


833499 


4 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


not  end  with  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  laws  preventing 
excessive  hours  of  labor,  and  securing  healthful  places  of  work  and 
suitable  sanitary  conveniences.  Add  to  these  the  payment  of  an 
adequate  wage  and  about  all  which  society  may  fairly  demand  of  the 
employer  has  been  attained.  The  prevention  of  abuses  must  be 
supplemented  by  the  more  difficult  task  of  educating  the  worker  to 
a personal  hygiene  comparable  to  the  sanitary  conditions  which  the 
law  exacts  from  her  employer,  and  an  expenditure  of  the  wage  which 
will  insure  the  greatest  possible  strength  and  efficiency. 

No  argument  is  needed  to  prove  the  fundamental  importance  of 
the  topics  about  which  we  have  sought  information.  It  is  obvious 
that  labor  power  is  directly  dependent  on  nutrition,  and  that  the 
chief  factor  entering  into  the  minimum  wage,  which  society  may  en- 
force on  the  employer,  is  the  cost  of  food.  The  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  women  who  are  working  outside  the  home  demands  careful 
attention  to  problems  connected  with  the  maintenance  of  their 
vitality  in  order  that  industry  may  not  draw  too  heavily  on  those 
reserves  of  energy  necessary  for  racial  continuance  and  development. 

The  economic  world  deals  with  these  working  women  as  individual 
units,  hence  it  seems  suitable  to  use  this  unit  in  studying  their 
standards  of  living.  The  family  has  usually  been  the  unit  in  previous 
investigations.  While  the  minimum  wage  commissions  have  reported 
on  the  cost  of  living  of  women  in  different  localities,  their  reports 
have  not  segregated  the  cost  of  food  from  expenditures  for  lodging, 
clothing  and  other  items.  It  seems  probable  that  the  large  cities  of 
the  United  States  afford  the  best  opportunities  for  this  study  of  the 
living  conditions  of  individual  working  women  because  the  unusual 
independence  of  American  women,  which  has  been  fostered  by  social 
conditions  promoting  their  safety,  has  increased  their  tendency  to 
live  outside  of  family  groups. 

An  investigation  entering  previously  unexplored  territory  meets 
with  the  difficulties  which  are  characteristic  of  pioneer  enterprises. 
Records  for  which  there  has  been  little  previous  demand  are  rarely 
kept  with  care  or  accuracy.  The  choice  of  food  has  been  left  largely 
to  instinct  or  chance,  and  the  public  has  not  been  educated  to  an 
appreciation  of  the  value  of  both  personal  and  institutional  account- 
ing in  such  matters.  In  the  absence  of  reliable  records  we  were 
forced  to  limit  the  scope  of  the  study  to  the  short  period  that  could 
be  covered  by  our  investigators,  or,  in  the  case  of  institutions,  to 


PREFACE. 


5 


resort  to  estimates  which  are  not  entirely  reliable.  In  every  case  we 
have  indicated  the  sources  of  our  information  so  that  readers  may 
judge  of  its  value. 

The  work  of  our  Research  Department  combines  co-operation  with 
individual  responsibility.  Miss  Louise  Moore,  the  assistant  director, 
has  been  in  immediate  charge  of  the  field  work,  and  also  has  pre- 
pared the  chapter  on  “The  Food  of  Women  living  away  from  their 
Families.”  While  there  has  been  considerable  co-operation  in  the 
field  work,  the  three  Fellows  have  devoted  their  attention  chiefly  to 
the  topics  about  which  they  expected  to  write.  The  chapter  on  “ The 
Noon  Luncheon”  was  prepared  by  Miss  May  R.  Lane;  that  on  “The 
Food  of  Women  living  in  Organized  Houses”  by  Miss  Ora  M. 
Harnish;  and  the  one  dealing  with  “The  Food  of  Certain  Dispen- 
sary Patients”  by  Miss  Irene  G.  Farnham.  Miss  Lela  Brown  and 
Miss  Miriam  Segel  of  Simmons  College,  Miss  Helen  R.  Hibbard  of 
Wellesley  College  and  Miss  Esther  M.  Flint  of  Radcliffe  College  gave 
some  assistance  in  the  field  work.  The  Boston  Simmons  Club  also 
interested  itself  in  obtaining  individual  schedules.  Miss  Margaret 
Sander,  the  secretary  of  the  Research  Department,  rendered  valuable 
assistance  in  the  tabulation  of  data  and  preparation  of  tables.  As 
these  studies  constitute  a part  of  the  training  in  social-economic  in- 
vestigation given  in  the  Research  Department  of  the  Women’s  Educa- 
tional and  Industrial  Union,  the  director  has  been  responsible  for 
planning,  supervising  and  editing  the  work,  and  also  has  prepared  the 
first  and  last  chapters  of  the  report.  We  are  indebted  to  the  officials 
of  the  Carnegie  Nutrition  Laboratory  for  permission  to  make  use  of 
the  books  and  bibliographies  collected  in  their  library. 

LUCILE  EAVES, 

Director  of  the  Research  Department, 
Women’s  Educational  and  Industrial  Union. 


Boston,  Jan.  15,  1917. 


4 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/foodofworkingwom00wome_0 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Preface,  ............. 

List  of  Tables,  ........... 

Chapter  I.  — CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  FIELD  STUDIED. 

By  Lucile  Eaves. 

Scope  of  study.  Statistics  of  women  wage  earners  in  eight  largest  cities.  Cost 
of  food  in  Boston.  Variations  in  retail  prices  of  food  in  different  cities. 
Principal  food  articles  in  an  average  menu.  Retail  prices  of  groceries  re- 
quired in  average  menu,  ......... 

Chapter  II.  — THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 

By  May  R.  Lane.  t 

Method  and  scope  of  the  investigation.  Methods  of  obtaining  and  serving  noon 
lunches.  Factors  determining  the  bringing  of  lunches.  Relation  of  wages 
to  kind  of  lunch.  Reasons  given  for  purchasing  lunches.  Reasons  given  for 
bringing  lunches  from  home.  Relation  of  length  of  noon  hour  to  kind  of 
lunch.  .Character  of  employment  in  relation  to  kind  of  lunch.  Use  made  of 
spare  time  after  lunch  by  women  in  factories,  offices  and  department  stores. 
Nationality  of  workers  in  relation  to  kind  of  lunch.  Cooking  facilities  pro- 
vided for  factory  workers.  Kinds  of  food  brought  from  home.  The  box 
lunch  and  fruit  vender.  Lunches  purchased  by  factory  workers.  Lunches 
of  women  in  department  stores.  Comparison  of  quality  and  prices  of  food 
in  restaurants  and  employees’  cafeterias.  Variety  of  food  in  lunches  of 
department  store  workers.  Types  of  employees’  cafeterias.  Equipment  of 
lunch,  rest  and  recreation  rooms  for  employees.  Patronage,  prices  and  ex- 
penses of  employees’  cafeterias,  ........ 

Chapter  III.  — THE  FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR 

FAMILIES. 

By  Louise  Moore. 

Living  arrangements  of  women  workers.  Occupations,  age  and  birthplace  of  a 
group  of  women  “adrift.”  Expenditure  for  food.  Effect  of  residence  on 
expenditure  for  food  and  rent.  Average  weekly  expenditure  for  living  ex- 
penses. Light  housekeeping  arrangements.  Co-operative  plans.  Expendi- 
tures of  women  receiving  low  wages.  Variety  of  food  in  weekly  menus. 
Dietary  habits  of  women  studied.  Specimen  menus.  Relation  of  wage  to 
food  expenditure,  ........... 

Chapter  IV.  — THE  FOOD  OF  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES. 

By  Ora  M.  Harnish. 

Types  of  homes  for  working  women.  Occupations  and  earnings  of  women  living 
in  organized  houses.  Purpose  and  management  of  houses  in  Boston.  Cost 
and  variety  of  food  served.  Adequacy  of  food  suppliec}.  Cost  of  providing 
food.  Equipment  and  methods  of  serving.  Factors  influencing  the  utiliza- 
tion of  these  houses*  .......... 


PAGE 

3-5 

9-12 


13-19 


20-64 


65-100 


101-125 


8 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Chapter  V.  — FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 

By  Irene  G.  Farnham. 

Classification  of  women  dispensary  patients  by  age,  nativity,  occupation  and 
marital  condition.  Characteristics  of  patients  studied.  Wages,  occupa- 
tions and  dispensary  diagnoses.  Kinds  of  food  eaten  during  one  week. 
Proportion  of  protein,  carbohydrate  and  mineral  containing  foods  in  weekly 
diet.  Food  of  patients  suffering  from  specified  disorders.  Specimen  menus. 
Preparation  and  service  of  food.  Economic  status  of  families  of  patients. 

Living  conditions  in  relation  to  health  of  patients.  Relation  of  industry  to 
health.  Hours  of  work  reported  by  patients.  Uses  made  of  leisure  time,  . 126-160 

Chapter  VI.  — COMPARATIVE  SUMMARIES  AND  CONSTRUCTIVE 

SUGGESTIONS. 

By  Ltjcile  Eaves. 

Minimum  lunch  facilities  for  factories.  Organization  of  employees’  lunch  rooms. 

Living  plans  of  lone  women.  Growing  patronage  of  restaurants.  Light 
housekeeping,  its  advantages  and  disadvantages.  Choice  of  food  by  women 
of  different  wage  groups.  Co-operative  housekeeping.  Modifications  in  the 
policies  of  the  organized  boarding  houses.  Food  in  relation  to  the  health 


and  efficiency  of  working  women,  ........  161-184 

APPENDICES. 

A.  — Forms  of  Inquiry  used  in  this  Investigation,  ......  187-193 

B.  — List  of  Firms  having  an  Employees’ Cafeteria,  .....  194,195 

C.  — Methods  of  calculating  the  Variety  of  Food,  ......  196-198 

D.  — Bibliography,  ...........  199-202 


Index, 


205-213 


LIST  OF  TABLES. 


1.  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  Fourteen  Years  of  Age  and  over  engaged  in 

Gainful  Occupations  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States,  classified 
by  Age  Groups.  Based  on  the  United  States  Census  of  1910,  ...  14 

2.  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  engaged  in  Gainful  Occupations  in  the  Eight 

Largest  Cities  in  the  United  States  who  are  not  receiving  Food  as  Part  of  their 
Wages,  classified  by  Age  Groups.  Based  on  the  United  States  Census  of  1910,  15 

3.  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  Ten  Years  of  Age  and  over  in  Gainful  Occu- 

pations in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States,  classified  by  Color, 
Nativity  and  Parentage.  Based  on  the  United  States  Census  of  1910,  . . 16 

4.  Index  Numbers  showing  Variations  in  Retail  Prices  of  the  Principal  Articles  of 

Food  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States  on  June  15,  1915. 

Prices  in  Boston  used  as  the  Base,  . . . . . . . .17 

5.  Retail  Prices  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States  of  Groceries  re- 

quired to  furnish  an  Average  Menu  for  a Working  Woman  for  Twenty-eight 
Days,  .............  19 

6.  Methods  by  which  the  Women  and  Girls  interviewed  obtained  their  Noon 

Lunches,  distributed  by  Kinds  of  Employment,  . . . . . .21 

7.  Places  where  Noon  Luncheon  was  eaten  by  Women  and  Girls  engaged  in  Manu- 

facturing and  Mercantile  Pursuits  and  in  Office  Work  in  BostonOity  Proper,  22 

8.  Amount  and  Kind  of  Wage  and  Length  of  Noon  Hour  of  Women  and  Girls  in 

Factories  and  Factory  Offices  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home  or  bought 
them  in  Town,  ...........  26 

9.  Reasons  for  buying  Lunches  in  Town  given  by  W’omen  and  Girls  in  Factories  and 

Factory  Offices,  classified  according  to  Wages  and  Length  of  Noon  Hour,  . 27 

10.  Reasons  for  bringing  Lunches  from  Home  given  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Fac- 

tories and  Factory  Offices,  classified  according  to  Wages  and  Length  of  the 
Noon  Hour,  . . . . . . . . . . . .28 

11.  Classification  of  Women  and  Girls  employed  in  the  Principal  Factory  District 

of  Boston  according  to  Occupation  and  the  Length  of  the  Lunch  Period,  . 30 

12.  Use  of  Spare  Time  after  Luncheon  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Factories  and  Fac- 

tory Offices,  distributed  according  to  Kind  of  Employment,  . . .31 

13.  Use  of  Spare  Time  after  Luncheon  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Department  Stores 

of  Boston  City  Proper,  . . . . . . . . . .31 

14.  Women  and  Girls  in  Factories,  Factory  Offices  and  Department  Stores,  classi- 

fied according  to  Method  of  obtaining  the  Noon  Luncheon,  Parentage  and 
Nativity,  ............  33 

15.  Extent  of  Use  of  Cooking  Facilities  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Factories 

and  Factory  Offices,  ..........  36 

16.  Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Foods  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of  Women  and 

Girls  of  English  and  Non-English  Speaking  Parentage  working  in  Factories 
and  Factory  Offices  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home,  ...  38,  39 

17.  Choice  of  Meat  and  Fish  as  Sandwich  Fillings  by  Women  and  Girls  of  English 

and  Non-English  Speaking  Parentage  working  in  Factories  and  Factory 
Offices  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home,  . . . . . .41 

18.  Commercial  Restaurants  patronized  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Factories 

and  Factory  Offices,  classified  according  to  Frequency  of  Buying,  and  Prices 
actually  paid  for  Menus  in  Week  of  Interview,  ......  43 


10 


LIST  OF  TABLES. 


Table  page 

19.  Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Food  appear  in  the  Lunch  Menus  of  Women  and 

Girls  working  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices  who  bought  Lunches  in  Com- 
mercial Restaurants,  ..........  46 

20.  Reasons  assigned  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Department  Stores  in  Boston 

for  buying  Lunches  in  Employees’  Cafeterias  rather  than  bringing  them  from 
Home,  .............  48 

21.  Kinds  of  Food  and  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Eight  Commercial  Res- 

taurants patronized  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Boston,  as  compared 
with  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Thirteen  Employees’  Cafeterias  in 
Ten  Cities, 51,  52 

22.  Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Food  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of  Women  and 

Girls  in  Department  Stores,  classified  according  to  Method  of  obtaining  Food,  55 

23.  Percentage  and  Frequency  of  bringing,  buying  and  supplementing  Lunches  by 

Women  and  Girls  working  in  Seven  Department  Stores  of  Boston  who  ate  in 
Employees’  Lunch  Rooms,  .........  56 

24.  Number  of  Times  Certain  Foods  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of  Women  and  Girls 

in  Department  Stores  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home  and  supplemented 
them  by  Food  purchased  in  Employees’  Cafeterias,  .....  57 

25.  Patronage,  Predominant  Price  paid  for  Lunches,  Cost  of  Food  and  Labor  per 

Week,  and  Approximate  Expenditure  per  Week  in  Employees’  Cafeterias  in 
Twenty-five  Factories,  Stores  and  Offices  in  Sixteen  Cities,  . . . .61 

26.  Living  Arrangements  of  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  over  engaged  in  Gain- 

ful Occupations  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  in  the  United  States,  . .66 

27.  Living  Arrangements  of  Women  engaged  in  Different  Industries  in  Massachu- 

setts, .............  67 

28.  Occupations  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  Adrift  in  Boston,  . 69 

29.  Age  and  Birthplace  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Working  Women  living 

away  from  their  Families,  . . . . . . . . .70 

30.  Number  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families  expending  Specified  Amounts 

for  Food,  by  Wage  Groups,  .........  74 

31.  Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away  from  their 

Families  spent  for  Food,  by  Wage  Groups,  ......  75 

32.  Number  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families  expending  Specified  Amounts 

for  Food  and  Rent,  by  Places  of  Residence,  . . . . . .77 

33.  Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away  from  their 

Families  spent  for  Rent,  by  Wage  Groups,  . . . . . .77 

34.  Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away  from  their 

Families  spent  for  Food  and  Lodging,  by  Wage  Groups,  . . . .78 

35.  Average  Weekly  Expenditures  for  Food  and  Lodging  of  Women  living  in  New 

York  City  and  in  Ohio,  by  Wage  Groups,  .......  79 

36.  Number  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families  expending  Specified  Amounts 

for  Food,  Rent  and  Laundry,  by  Wage  Groups,  .....  82 

37.  Average  Weekly  Wage  and  Average  Weekly  Expenditure  for  Food,  classified  by 

Plans  of  Living  of  Women  away  from  their  Families,  .....  83 

38.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Tea  and  Coffee  by  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty- 

one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups,  ...  91 

39.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and 
Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups,  . . 92 

40.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and 
Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups,  . . 94 

41.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods  and  the  Proportions 

which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred 
and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups, 


95 


LIST  OF  TABLES. 


11 


Table  page 

42.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals  and  the  Propor- 

tions which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  Two  Hun- 
dred and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  W’age  Groups,  98 

43.  Capacity  of  the  Different  Types  of  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity, 

and  the  Number  of  Occupants  at  the  Time  of  the  Investigation,  . . . 103 

44.  Occupations  of  WTomen  living  in  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity,  . 104 

45.  The  Proportion  of  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  over  in  Selected  Occupa- 

tions in  Boston,  living  away  from  their  Families  in  190Q  and  in  1910,  . . 105 

46.  Weekly  Earnings  of  Eight  Hundred  and  Eighteen  Women  living  in  Seven  Sub- 

sidized Houses,  . . . . . . . . . . 105 

47.  The  Purpose  and  Management  of  Eighteen  Organized  Houses  offering  Accom- 

modations to  Working  Women  in  Boston  and  Vicinity,  . . . 107,  108 

48.  The  Cost  and  Variety  of  Food  served  in  Twenty  Organized  Houses  in  Boston 

and  Vicinity,  ...........  110-112 

49.  Amount  of  Protein  and  Value  of  Calories  of  Food  furnished  by  Eight  Organized 

Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity.  Based  on  Supplies  used  during  One  WTeek,  . 115 

50.  Metabolism  of  Women  engaged  in  Different  Occupations,  . . . .116 

51.  Source  of  Proteins  consumed  per  Person  per  Day  in  Eight  Organized  Houses  in 

Boston  and  Vicinity.  Based  on  Supplies  used  during  One  Week,  . . .118 

52.  Patients  coming  to  Eight  Dispensaries  in  Boston,  classified  by  Number  of  New 


Patients  and  Total  Number  of  Visits  from  All  Patients  in  One  Year,  . . 126 

53.  New  Patients  classified  by  Age  and  Sex.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries,  . . 127 

54.  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  over,  classified  by  Participation  in  Gainful 

Occupations.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries,  . . . . . .129 

55.  Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations,  classified  by  Nativity  and 

Age.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries,  . . . . . . .130 


56.  Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations,  classified  by  Occupation 

and  Marital  Condition.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries,  . . . .131 

57.  Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations,  classified  by  Dispensary 

Departments  and  by  Occupations.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries,  . . 133 

58.  Distribution  by  Age  and  Nativity  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary 

Patients,  ............  134 

59.  Distribution  by  Occupation  and  Wage  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dis- 

pensary Patients,  . . . . . . . . . . .134 

60.  Occupations  and  Dispensary  Diagnoses  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Patients,  135 

61.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  W7eekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  . . . . . . . .136 

62.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  ........  137 

63.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods,  and  the  Proportions 

which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  .......  139 

64.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals,  and  Proportions 

which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  WTeekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  . . . . . . . .141 

65.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  by  Nativity  of  Parents,  ....  142 

66.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  by  Nativity  of  Parents,  . . . .144 

67.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods,  and  the  Proportions 

which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  by  Nativity  of  Parents,  ....  145 


12 


LIST  OF  TABLES. 


Table 

68.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals,  and  the  Propor- 

tions which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hun- 
dred and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  by  Nativities  of  Parents, 

69.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 

Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and  Other 
Disorders,  .......  ..... 

70.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 

Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and  Other 
Disorders,  . . . . . . ... 

71.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods,  and  the  Proportions 

which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and  Other 
Disorders,  ............ 

72.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals,  and  the  Propor- 

tions which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hun- 
dred and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and 
Other  Disorders,  ........... 

73.  Economic  Status  of  the  Families  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary 

Patients,  ............ 

74.  Weekly  Hours  of  Work  in  Different  Occupations  reported  by  One  Hundred 

and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients,  ....... 

75.  Uses  made  of  Leisure  Time  by  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients, 

76.  Distribution  by  Height  and  Weight  of  Wage-earning  Women  registered  in 

the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association  Gymnasium  Classes  and  of 
Wellesley  College  Students,  ......... 

77.  Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which 

they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and 

Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  from  whom  Twenty-one  Meal  and  Six  Meal 
Schedules  were  obtained,  ......... 


PAGE 

147 

148 
150 

150 

151 
155 

158 

159 

183 

197 


THE  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN 
IN  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  FIELD  STUDIED. 

This  study  of  how  working  women  are  supplied  with  their  daily 
bread  was  made  in  a community  where  the  competition  is  more 
severe  and  the  cost  of  food  greater  than  in  any  other  of  the  large 
cities  of  the  United  States.  It  deals  with  the  cost  and  variety  of 
food  supplied  under  conditions  varying  from  those  of  the  hall  bedroom 
with  one  gas  burner  to  those  of  a large  boarding  house  where  800 
women  are  served  in  one  dining  room.  It  shows  what  women  select 
for  themselves,  what  their  employers  supply  for  them,  and  what  is 
provided  for  them  by  benevolent  societies  organized  for  the  purpose 
of  furnishing  wholesome  living  conditions  at  a minimum  cost. 

The  subjects  discussed  are  factors  of  vital  importance  in  the  lives 
of  half  the  women  living  in  the  largest  cities  of  this  country,  since 
it  is  evident  from  the  accompanying  table  that  such  a proportion  of 
the  women  are  at  work  during  their  minorities  if  not  during  their 
adult  lives.  The  strain  of  the  effort  to  earn  their  own  support  comes 
at  an  age  when  there  is  peculiar  need  that  they  be  well  nourished  in 
order  that  they  may  meet  the  unusual  physical  demands  of  the 
passage  from  childhood  to  womanhood.  In  5 of  the  8 largest  cities 
over  half  of  the  young  girls  are  at  work,  and  the  percentages  in  the 
remaining  3 approach  this  proportion,  while  the  total  for  these 
centers  of  our  American  civilization  is  53  per  cent.  It  is  difficult  to 
exaggerate  the  social  significance  of  these  facts. 

Boston  falls  below  the  average  of  the  8 cities  in  the  proportion 
of  her  young  women  who  are  at  work,  but  the  high  percentage  of 
adult  women  dependent  on  their  own  exertions  raises  the  total 
in  gainful  occupations  above  that  of  the  other  cities.  One-third  (32.5 
per  cent.)  of  the  women  fourteen  years  of  age  and  over  in  the  8 
largest  cities  are  wage  earners,  but  this  percentage  is  not  evenly 
distributed,  as  Pittsburg  and  Cleveland  have  27  per  cent.  (Pittsburg 
27.2  per  cent.,  Cleveland  27.6  per  cent.),  while  Boston  has  10  per 


14 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


cent,  more  (37.2  per  cent.).  The  4 cities  having  the  highest  pro- 
portion of  adult  women  workers  also  have  an  excess  of  females  in  the 
population,  while  the  remaining  4 cities  have  more  males  than 
females.  However,  it  seems  probable  that  this  surplus  of  women  is 


Table  1.  — Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  Fourteen  Years  of  Age  and  Over 
engaged  in  Gainful  Occupations  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United 
States,  classified  by  Age  Groups.  Based  on  the  United  States  Census  of  1910.1 


Cities. 

Total  Females  14 
Years  and  Over. 

Females  14  Years 
and  Under  21. 

Females  21  Years 
and  Over. 

In 

Popula- 

tion. 

IN  GAINFUL 
OCCUPATIONS. 

In 

Popula- 

tion. 

IN  GAINFUL 
OCCUPATIONS. 

In 

Popula- 

tion. 

IN  GAINFUL 
OCCUPATIONS. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

The  8 cities,  . 

4,242,847 

1,379,734 

32.5 

805,016 

427,836 

53.1 

3,437,831 

951,898 

27.7 

Boston, 

259,063 

96,283 

37.2 

41,175 

20,302 

49.3 

217,888 

75,981 

34.9 

Baltimore,  . 

219,816 

77,445 

35.3 

40,690 

20,979 

51.6 

179,126 

56,466 

31.5 

Philadelphia, 

593,017 

199,993 

33.7 

104,125 

58,686 

56.4 

488,892 

141,307 

28.9 

New  York,  . 

1,743,986 

585,571 

33.6 

342,946 

188,319 

54.9 

1,401,040 

397,252 

28.4 

Chicago, 

779,702 

236,615 

30.4 

153,073 

81,133 

53.0 

626,629 

155,482 

24.8 

St.  Louis, 

261,468 

77,510 

29.6 

48,832 

23,407 

47.9 

212,636 

54,103 

25.4 

Cleveland,  . 

196,577 

54,742 

27.8 

37,667 

19,312 

51.3 

158.910 

35,430 

22.3 

Pittsburg, 

189,218 

51,575 

27.2 

36,508 

15,698 

43.0 

152,710 

35,877 

23.5 

1 The  population  of  these  8 cities  is  12.5  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  and  27.1  per  cent,  of  the  urban 
population  of  the  United  States. 


not  the  chief  factor  in  promoting  the  tendency  for  Boston  women 
to  become  self-supporting,  since  both  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia 
have  a greater  excess  of  females  in  the  population. 

Three-fourths  (75.6  per  cent.)  of  the  women  who  are  at  work  use 
a large  portion  of  their  earnings  to  purchase  food,  while  the  remain- 
ing fourth  receive  food  as  a part  of  their  wages.  The  younger 
women  who  usually  are  members  of  family  groups  show  a greater 
tendency  to  work  for  a money  compensation,  while  as  high  as  29  per 
cent,  of  the  adult  women  hold  positions  where  food  is  supplied  by 
their  employers.  Boston  has  the  highest  percentage  of  youthful 
workers  who  are  earning  a money  wage,  but  the  large  number  of 
adult  women  who  are  domestic  servants,  boarding  and  lodging- 
house  keepers  and  nurses  lowers  the  proportion  of  those  receiving  no 
food  as  a part  of  their  compensation  below  the  average  for  the  8 
largest  cities. 

The  American  standard  of  living  is  frequently  given  a conspicuous 
place  in  the  discussion  of  subjects  like  those  considered  in  this  study, 
yet  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  working  women  found  in  the  8 largest 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  FIELD  STUDIED. 


15 


cities,  and  but  little  over  one-fifth  of  those  living  in  Boston,  are 
native-born  whites  of  native-born  parents.  In  Boston,  New  York, 
Chicago  and  Cleveland  about  three-fourths  of  the  women  in  gainful 
occupations  are  of  foreign  or  mixed  parentage.  These  women  with 
family  traditions  and  habits  brought  from  foreign  lands  suffer  from 
the  double  strain  of  industrial  and  dietary  readjustment.  Too  little 


Table  2.  — Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  engaged  in  Gainful  Occupations 
in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  in  the  United  States  who  are  not  receiving  Food 
as  Part  of  their  Wages,  classified  by  Age  Groups . 1 Based  on  the  United 
States  Census  of  1910. 


Cities. 

Total  Females  14 
Years  and  Over. 

Females  14  Years 
and  Under  21. 

Females  21  Years 
and  Over. 

In  Gain- 
ful 

Occupa- 

tions. 

NOT  RECEIVING 
FOOD  AS 
PART  OF  WAGE. 

In  Gain- 
ful 

Occupa- 

tions. 

NOT  RECEIVING 
FOOD  AS 
PART  OF  WAGE. 

In  Gain- 
ful 

Occupa- 

tions. 

NOT  RECEIVING 
FOOD  AS 
PART  OF  WAGE. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

The  8 cities,  . 

1,379,734 

1,042,921 

75.6 

427,836 

365,356 

85.4 

951,898 

677,565 

71.0 

Boston, 

96,283 

70,362 

73.1 

20,302 

17,945 

88.4 

75,981 

52,417 

69.0 

Baltimore,  . 

77,445 

57,287 

74.0 

20,979 

17,061 

81.3 

56,466 

40,226 

71.2 

Philadelphia, 

199,993 

149,378 

74.7 

58,686 

51,683 

88.1 

141,307 

97,695 

69.1 

New  York,  . 

585,571 

440,910 

75.2 

188,319 

159,760 

84.8 

397,252 

281,150 

70.8 

Chicago, 

236,615 

187,615 

79.3 

81,133 

71,240 

87.8 

155,482 

116,375 

74.8 

St.  Louis, 

77,510 

58,943 

76.0 

23,407 

19,660 

84.0 

54,103 

39,283 

72.6 

Cleveland,  . 

54,742 

43,189 

78.9 

19,312 

16,439 

85.1 

35,430 

26,750 

75.5 

Pittsburg, 

51,575 

35,237 

68.3 

15,698 

11,568 

73.7 

35,877 

23,669 

66.0 

1 This  classification  excludes  servants,  midwives  and  nurses  (not  trained),  housekeepers  and  steward- 
esses, boarding  and  lodging-house  keepers,  and  trained  nurses. 


attention  has  been  given  to  the  difficulties  that  must  arise  when 
bodily  needs  created  by  the  conditions  of  an  Old  World  environment 
must  be  satisfied  with  supplies  found  in  American  markets. 

Cost  of  Food  in  Boston. 

A study  of  the  retail  prices  collected  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics  shows  that  the  cost  of  food  in  Boston  is  from  3 to 
16  per  cent,  higher  than  in  other  large  cities  of  the  United  States. 
An  exhaustive  investigation  is  needed  to  determine  the  complex 
factors  entering  into  retail  prices.  At  present  no  reasonable  explana- 
tions can  be  offered  for  many  of  the  variations  shown  in  the  table 
of  index  numbers  (Table  4). 

The  variations  in  the  cost  of  a bill  of  groceries  required  to  feed 
a working  woman  for  four  weeks  show  this  same  difference  between 
Boston  and  the  other  large  cities  (Table  5).  An  average  menu  was 


Table  3.  — Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Females  Ten  Years  of  Age  and  Over,  in  Gainful  Occupations  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of 
the  United  States,  classified  by  Color,  Nativity  and  Parentage.  Based  on  the  United  States  Census  of  1910. 


16 


FOOD  OF  WOHKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON, 


of  parentage  other  than  negro  and  white  are  not  included  in  the  tabulation. 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  FIELD  STUDIED. 


17 


Table  4.  — Index  Numbers  showing  Variations  in  Retail  Prices  of  the  Principal 
Articles  of  Food  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States  on  June  15, 
1915.  Prices  in  Boston  used  as  the  Base.1 


Cities. 


Commodities. 

Boston. 

£ 

o 

’3 

Chicago. 

1 

Cleveland. 

New  York. 

Pittsburg. 

St.  Louis. 

Combined  index  numbers,  . 

100 

87 

91 

91 

97 

96 

94 

84 

Foods  containing  much  protein:  — 

93 

83 

All  proteins  combined, 

100  i 

83 

89 

88 

92 

94 

Chuck  roast,  per  pound, 

100  1 

91 

93 

97 

92 

101 

95 

92 

Rib  roast,  per  pound,  . 
Round  steak,  per  pound, 

100 

74 

85 

82 

91 

87 

85 

79 

100 

67 

66 

68 

77 

79 

73 

74 

Sirloin  steak,  per  pound, 

100 

72 

74 

73 

77 

86 

so 

75 

Ham,  smoked,  per  pound,  . 

100 

93 

113 

88 

88 

116 

121 

92 

Pork  chops,  per  pound, 

100 

86 

88 

97 

101 

102 

96 

85 

Leg  of  lamb,  per  pound, 

100 

81 

88 

87 

72 

88 

92 

84 

Hens,  per  pound,  .... 

100 

83 

79 

85 

88 

94 

100 

75 

Salmon,  per  can,  .... 

100 

79 

111 

94 

109 

91 

94 

85 

Eggs,  per  dozen,  .... 

100 

70 

75 

83 

95 

85 

74 

66 

Cheese,  American,  per  pound. 

100 

98 

97 

100 

96 

101 

97 

85 

Milk,  per  quart,  .... 

100 

100 

91 

88 

102 

91 

105 

91 

Beans,  per  pound,  .... 

Foods  containing  starch  and  similar  earbo- 

100 

85 

96 

100 

112 

99 

98 

92 

hydrates:  — 

Cereals  combined,  .... 

100 

86 

88 

90 

94 

87 

92 

84 

Corn  meal,  per  pound,  . 
Flour,  wheat,  M barrel  bag,  . 

100 

69 

82 

83 

94 

76 

85 

74 

100 

90 

85 

92 

94 

90 

94 

83 

Rice,  per  pound 

100 

100 

97 

95 

94 

96 

97 

94 

Foods  characterized  by  sugars:  — 

Sugars  combined,2  .... 

100 

97 

102 

101 

101 

101 

103 

98 

Prunes,  per  pound, 

100 

97 

107 

106 

111 

106 

102 

104 

Raisins,  per  pound, 

100 

98 

103 

92 

100 

100 

103 

93 

Sugar,  granulated,  per  pound, 

100 

96 

95 

104 

93 

96 

104 

97 

Fatty  foods:  — 

Fatty  foods  combined, 

100 

95 

102 

102 

98 

103 

103 

89 

Bacon,  smoked,  per  pound,  . 

100 

86 

113 

103 

97 

103 

112 

95 

Butter,  per  pound. 

100 

107 

93 

99 

97 

112 

101 

94 

Lard,  per  pound, 

Foods  containing  mineral  substances  and 

100 

93 

100 

103 

101 

95 

95 

79 

organic  acids:  — 

Vegetables  and  fruits  combined, 

100 

85 

87 

90 

109 

100 

89 

78 

Corn,  per  can,  .... 

Onions,  yellow,  per  pound,  . 

100 

70 

78 

81 

99 

87 

71 

64 

100 

86 

83 

87 

99 

85 

102 

67 

Oranges,  per  dozen , . . . 

100 

83 

89 

91 

105 

94 

92 

83 

Peas,  per  can,  .... 

Potatoes,  per  peck, 3 _ 

100 

77 

85 

97 

104 

90 

80 

74 

100 

119 

93 

93 

155 

157 

108 

103 

Tomatoes,  per  can,  . 

100 

77 

93 

91 

90 

89 

78 

75 

Beverages  having  no  nutritive  value:  — 

Beverages  combined, 
Coffee,  per  pound, 

100 

86 

93 

84 

84 

97 

92 

86 

100 

71 

90 

88 

86 

89 

82 

73 

Tea,  per  pound,  .... 

100 

100 

95 

79 

81 

104 

102 

99 

1 This  table  was  prepared  from  data  published  in  Bulletin  No.  184  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor 
Statistics.  The  prices  were  collected  from  retail  dealers  selling  largely  to  the  families  of  wage  earners,  the 
number  of  dealers  reporting  varying  from  4 to  15.  In  preparing  this  table  we  obtained  the  arithmetic  aver- 
age of  the  prices  quoted  on  June  15, 1915,  and  then  used  the  Boston  prices  as  the  base  on  which  to  calculate 
the  percentages  of  variation  in  the  other  7 cities.  Between  June,  1915,  and  March,  1917,  there  was  a general 
advance  in  prices  of  33  per  cent.' 

2 This  rough  classification  of  foods  follows  a plan  suggested  by  C.  F.  Langworthy.  (Scientific  Monthly, 
II.,  p.  303,  March,  1916.)  Obviously  many  of  the  food  items  belong  in  several  groups,  as  the  various  meats 
contain  much  fat,  prunes  and  raisins  are  valuable  for  their  mineral  substances,  potatoes  contain  carbo- 
hydrates and  protein,  and  the  cereals  supply  both  proteins  and  mineral  substances. 

3 These  numbers  were  based  on  the  first  six  months  of  1915. 


18 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


obtained  by  tabulating  the  data  given  on  77  schedules  which  re- 
ported the  food  eaten  by  working  women  for  the  21  meals  of  one 
week.  The  average  number  of  times  in  which  different  food  items 


appeared  was  as  follows:  — 


Meat, 8.3 

Fish, 2.1 

Eggs, 2.4 

Sandwiches, . . . . 1.7 

Cereal, 3.7 

Bread, 15.2 

Soup, 3.4 

Fruit, 8.2 

Vegetables, 14.4 


Cake,  . 

. 4.9 

Pastry,  . 

. 2.3 

Pudding, 

. 4.5 

Salad,  . 

1.9 

Coffee,  . 

. 4.5 

Tea, 

. 3.5 

Cocoa,  . 

. 2.1 

Milk,  . 

1.7 

If  a corresponding  list  of  foods  is  selected  from  those  whose  prices 
are  reported  by  the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  and  the  different 
items  are  distributed  in  menus  for  one  week,  a bill  of  fare  like  the 
following  will  result:  — 


Breakfast. 

Lunch. 

Supper. 

Monday, 

Stewed  prunes. 
Bacon  and  egg. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Coffee. 

Lamb  stew  (potatoes  and  onions). 
Cabinet  pudding. 

Stewed  onions. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Cold  ham. 

Cake. 

Milk. 

Tuesday, 

Orange. 

Cornmeal  mush. 
Coffee. 

Roast  beef  hash. 
Corn  or  peas. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Pie. 

Potatoes. 

Prunes. 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Wednesday,  . 

Orange. 

Rice. 

Tea. 

Country  sausage. 
French-fried  potatoes. 
Indian  pudding. 
Bread  and  butter. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Canned  corn. 

Rice  pudding. 
Milk. 

Thursday, 

Orange. 

Egg. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Coffee. 

Cold  ham. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Rice  pudding. 

Beef  stew  (onions  and  potatoes) . 
Cake. 

Tea. 

Friday,  . 

Orange. 

Rice. 

Coffee. 

Beans. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Stewed  tomatoes. 
Pie. 

Soup. 

Cheese. 1 
Potato  salad. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Cake. 

Saturday, 

Orange. 

Egg. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Tea. 

Roast  beef. 
Mashed  potatoes. 
Cake. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Soup. 

Canned  peas. 
Cheese. 1 

Bread  and  butter. 
Cake. 

Sunday,  . 

Orange. 

Cornmeal  mush. 
Coffee. 

Soup. 

Creamed  chicken  on  toast. 
Potatoes. 

Peas. 

Rice  pudding. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Cocoa. 

Potato  salad. 
Chicken  sandwich. 

1 As  prices  for  fish  are  not  quoted  in  the  Labor  Bureau  bulletins  reporting  retail  prices,  cheese  appears 
twice  in  place  of  fish  which  occurs  in  the  schedules. 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  FIELD  STUDIED. 


19 


Table  5.  — Retail  Prices  in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States  of 
Groceries  required  to  furnish  an  Average  Menu  for  a Working  Woman  for 
Twenty-eight  Days. 


Commodities.  1 

Cities. 

Boston. 

Baltimore. 

Chicago. 

Cleveland. 

New  York. 

Philadelphia. 

Pittsburg. 

St.  Louis. 

Total  cost, 

$7  77 

$6  84 

$6  96 

$7  02 

$7  50 

$7  54 

$7  32 

$6  44 

Proteins  combined. 

3 25 

2 74 

2 86 

2 79 

2 99 

3 05 

3 10 

2 63 

Rib  roast,  2 pounds, 

49 

37 

42 

40 

45 

43 

42 

39 

Ham,  smoked,  2 pounds, 

49 

45 

55 

43 

43 

57 

59 

45 

Leg  of  lamb,  1 pound, 

27 

22 

23 

23 

19 

23 

25 

22 

Hens,  2 pounds, 

50 

41 

39 

42 

44 

47 

50 

37 

Eggs,  2 dozen,  .... 

66 

46 

49 

54 

63 

56 

49 

44 

Cheese,  1 pound,  . , . 

24 

24 

23 

24 

23 

24 

23 

21 

Milk,  6 quarts,  .... 

53 

53 

48 

46 

54 

48 

55 

48 

Beans,  1 pound. 

07 

06 

07 

07 

08 

07 

07 

07 

Starches  combined, 

74 

66 

64 

67 

70 

66 

70 

62 

Corn  meal,  2 pounds, 

07 

05 

06 

06 

07 

06 

06 

05 

Flour,  wheat,  12)4  pounds, 

57 

51 

49 

52 

54 

51 

54 

48 

Rice,  1 pound,  .... 

10 

10 

09 

09 

09 

09 

10 

09 

Sugars  combined, 

53 

51 

54 

56 

54 

54 

54 

53 

Prunes,  2 pounds, 

* . 

26 

25 

28 

28 

29 

28 

26 

27 

Sugar,  4 pounds, 

27 

26 

26 

28 

25 

26 

28 

26 

Fatty  foods  combined, 

1 14 

1 20 

1 07 

1 13 

1 11 

1 26 

1 14 

1 06 

Butter,  3 pounds, 

1 06 

1 13 

99 

1 05 

1 03 

1 19 

1 07 

1 00 

Lard,  Vi  pound, 

08 

07 

08 

08 

08 

07 

07 

06 

Vegetables  and  fruits  combined, 

1 87 

1 54 

1 63 

1 67 

1 96 

1 81 

1 63 

1 41 

Corn,  2 cans,  .... 

28 

20 

22 

23 

28 

25 

20 

18 

Onions,  3 pounds, 

13 

11 

11 

11 

13 

11 

13 

09 

Oranges,  2 dozen,2  . 

75 

60 

66 

66 

76 

68 

68 

56 

Peas,  2 cans,  .... 

28 

22 

24 

28 

29 

26 

23 

21 

Potatoes,  1 peck,3 

18 

22 

17 

17 

28 

29 

20 

19 

Tomatoes,  2 cans, 

25 

19 

23 

22 

22 

22 

19 

18 

Beverages  combined,  . 

24 

19 

22 

20 

20 

22 

21 

19 

Coffee,  Yi  pound, 

17 

12 

15 

15 

14 

15 

14 

12 

Tea,  H pound,  .... 

07 

07 

07 

05 

06 

07 

07 

07 

1 This  bill  of  groceries  will  furnish  a little  over  2,500  calories  per  day.  The  prices  are  averages  of  those 
quoted  in  Bulletin  No.  184,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.  In  March,  1917,  prices  were  33 
per  cent,  higher  than  those  used  in  computing  this  table. 

2 The  average  prices  of  California  and  Florida  oranges  were  used. 

3 Numbers  based  on  first  six  months  of  1915. 


A woman  living  alone  would  find  it  difficult  to  prepare  such  a bill 
of  fare,  as  she  would  be  unable  to  bake  bread,  cake  and  pastry.  She 
could  not  make  an  economical  use  of  canned  vegetables,  meat  stews 
or  roasts.  The  women  who  furnished  the  schedules  usually  pur- 
chased one  or  more  meals  each  day  at  restaurants  or  boarding 
houses,  and  in  some  cases  prepared  breakfasts  and  suppers  in  their 
rooms.  When  obtained  in  these  ways  their  food  for  one  week  cost 
them  about  S3. 65.  However,  the  prices  of  raw  materials  are  im- 
portant factors  in  determining  all  charges  for  food,  and  no  doubt 
their  higher  cost  in  Boston  makes  it  more  difficult  for  working 
women  to  obtain  adequate  nourishment. 


20 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 

Method  and  Scope  of  the  Investigation.1 

The  first  step  taken  in  a survey  of  the  noon  luncheon  in  Boston 
was  to  compile  from  the  registers  and  directories  of  1915  a card 
catalogue  of  business  firms,  listing  the  names  and  addresses  of  firms 
engaged  in  industries  in  which,  according  to  the  Federal  Occupation 
Census  of  1910,  women  in  Boston  are  principally  employed.  By  the 
co-operation  of  the  Massachusetts  Board  of  Labor  and  Industries  the 
addresses  of  establishments  employing  10  or  more  women  and  girls 
were  obtained  from  lists  prepared  by  the  factory  inspectors.  There 
are  381  of  these  larger  establishments  with  a total  of  22,563  women 
and  girls  employed  in  the  city  proper,  which  is  bounded  in  the  main 
by  Atlantic  Avenue,  Dover,  Berkeley  and  Charles  streets.  It  was 
manifestly  impossible  to  include  in  a noon  luncheon  survey  all  of 
these  381  firms,  since  the  method  of  investigation  permitted  the 
visiting  at  the  noon  hour  of  but  one  firm  a day,  and  the  time  of  the 
survey  was  confined  to  the  winter  months,  December  to  March.  It 
was  decided,  therefore,  to  limit  the  survey  to  a study  of  conditions 
in  the  principal  factory  district  and  in  the  shopping  or  mercantile 
districts. 

The  702  women  and  girls  interviewed  in  these  factory  and  mer- 
cantile districts  of  Boston  city  proper  include  462  in  manufacturing 
pursuits,  137  in  mercantile  pursuits  and  103  in  office  work.  The 
factory  district  in  which  the  intensive  part  of  the  study  was  made  is 
represented  by  521  schedules,  or  26  per  cent,  of  the  women  and  girls 
employed  in  its  52  factories  and  factory  offices.  In  the  mercantile 
district  7 of  the  largest  department  stores  which  have  employees’ 
lunch  rooms  were  visited,  and  181  schedules  were  secured  from  the 
women  and  girls  therein  employed.  Although  this  number  of  inter- 
views is  small  in  proportion  to  the  total  number  of  employees  in  these 
stores,  at  least  25  schedules  were  obtained  at  random  from  each 
place.  For  purposes  of  comparison  with  the  factory  schedules  they 


1 For  forms  of  inquiry,  see  Appendix  A,  Nos.  2 and  3. 


Table  6.  — Methods  by  which  the  Women  and  Girls  interviewed  obtained  their  Noon  Lunches , distributed  by  Kinds  of  Employment. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


21 


U 

-O 

S 

a 

a 

15 

o 

H 


.2 

IS 


T3 


5 


o 


22 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


afford  a true  picture  of  the  luncheon  resources  and  of  the  life  of  the 
employees  at  the  noon  hour.  Comparison  of  the  living  arrangements 
of  this  group  and  of  those  in  retail  stores  made  by  the  Minimum 
Wage  Commission1  shows  them  to  be  a typical  group.  One-half  (50 
per  cent.)  of  the  factory  women  were  sewing  on  women’s  wearing 
apparel,  one-sixth  (17.3  per  cent.)  on  men’s  clothing,  and  one-tenth 
(11.5  per  cent.)  on  hats  and  millinery.  One  hundred  and  forty-five 
women  were  employed  in  4 of  the  factory  offices. 


Table  7.  — Places  where  Noon  Luncheons  were  eaten  by  Women  and  Girls  en- 
gaged in  Manufacturing  and  Mercantile  Pursuits  and  in  Office  Work  in 
Boston  City  Proper. 


Women  and  Girls  engaged  in  — 

Places  of  eating  Lunch. 

Total. 

MANUFACTUR- 
ING PURSUITS. 

MERCANTILE 

PURSUITS. 

OFFICE 

WORK. 

Num. 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

All  the  places 

702 

100.0 

462 

100.0 

137 

100.0 

103 

100.0 

Commercial  lunch  rooms, 

127 

18.1 

74 

16.0 

16 

11.7 

37 

35.9 

Employees’  cafeterias,  . 

153 

21.8 

16 

3.5 

110 

80.3 

27 

26.2 

Employees’  dining  rooms,  . 

25 

3.6 

1 

.2 

9 

6.6 

15 

14.6 

Employees’  dressing  rooms, 

9 

1.3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

9 

8.7 

Dining  tables  in  workrooms, 

47 

6.7 

47 

10.2 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Power  sewing  machines, 

186 

26.5 

177 

38.3 

- 

- 

9 

8.7 

Work  tables  or  desks  in  workrooms 
or  offices. 

130 

18.5 

126 

27.3 

- 

- 

4 

3.9 

Home, 

24 

3.4 

20 

4.3 

2 

1.4 

2 

2.0 

No  lunch, 

1 

.1 

1 

.2 

m 

- 

- 

- 

The  method  followed  throughout  the  study  was  to  secure  a per- 
sonal interview  with  the  manager  or  employer;  obtain  permission 
to  talk  with  employees  while  at  their  lunch;  secure  individual 
schedules  from  the  women  and  girls  at  that  time;  and  personally 
inspect  the  accommodations  provided  for  eating  and  resting  at  the 
noon  hour.  Commercial  lunch  rooms  of  the  cafeteria  or  counter- 
service type  which  were  patronized  by  those  workers  who  were  buy- 
ing lunches  in  town  were  visited,  their  managers  interviewed  and 
their  equipment  observed  and  scheduled.  A similar  study  was  made 

1 Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  Wages  of  WTomen  in  Retail  Stores  in  Massachusetts, 
Bulletin  No.  6,  March,  1915,  p.  45. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


23 


of  the  employees’  cafeterias  of  the  large  department  stores,  and 
individual  schedules  were  secured  from  women  in  a variety  of  mer- 
cantile establishments.  By  means  of  a questionnaire,  information 
was  obtained  from  33  firms  in  cities  other  than  Boston. 

Methods  of  obtaining  and  serving  Noon  Lunches. 

The  majority  of  factory  workers  brought  their  lunches  from  home, 
while  the  mercantile  and  office  employees  showed  a greater  disposi- 
tion to  buy  lunches.  Of  the  702  women  and  girls  interviewed,  420 
brought  lunches  from  home,  257  bought  them  in  town,  24  went  home 
at  noon  for  dinner  and  1 ate  no  luncheon.  Eighty  (80.3)  per  cent, 
of  those  engaged  in  manufacturing  (Table  6)  brought  their  lunches 
five  or  six  days  a week,  and  only  20  (19.7)  per  cent,  bought  lunches 
in  town.  These  percentages  were  reversed  (18.5  and  81.5)  for 
women  in  mercantile  pursuits.  Sixty  (59.4)  per  cent,  of  the  factory 
and  department  store  office  women  bought  lunches  in  town,  and  40 
(40.6)  per  cent,  brought  lunches  from  home.1 

When  the  power  was  shut  down  at  12  o’clock  two-thirds  (65.6 
per  cent.)  of  the  factory  women  remained  at  their  places  of  work. 
They  spread  their  lunches  on  the  machines  or  tables  at  which  they 
had  been  stitching  garments,  sewing  hats  or  furs,  ironing,  pressing, 
drafting,  cutting  or  packing  goods.  Their  food  often  came  in  con- 
tact with  the  goods  being  manufactured,  or  else  with  the  tops  of  the 
machines  and  tables.  In  some  places  machine  oil,  dust,  chalk,  lint 
and  trimmings  of  cloth  were  present,  and  where  fur  garments  were 
being  made  or  repaired  there  was  danger  of  contact  with  particles  of 
arsenic  used  in  the  preservation  of  the  pelts.  Three  of  the  52  firms 
had  work  tables  cleared  and  covered  with  wrapping  paper  or  oil 
cloth. 

The  large  department  stores  of  Boston  have  made  generous  pro- 
visions for  feeding  their  employees,  hence  the  high  percentage  (80.3) 
of  mercantile  workers  who  patronize  these  cafeterias.  Only  1 of  the 
factories  made  this  provision,  and  but  3.5  per  cent,  of  the  factory 
workers  were  able  to  obtain  hot  food  at  cost.  A partial  luncheon 
service  was  found  in  1 department  store  and  1 factory,  where  com- 
fortable rooms  with  tables  and  gas  or  electric  stoves  were  provided. 

1 These  percentages  are  conservative  for  those  who  bring  and  maximum  for  those  who  buy,  since  only 
those  who  brought  lunches  for  the  entire  week  were  counted  as  bringers  of  lunches.  Women  who  had  not 
purchased  lunches  within  the  week,  but  who  said  they  sometimes  went  out  to  lunch,  were  counted  as 
occasional  buyers. 


24 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Matrons  in  charge  kept  these  rooms  clean  and  attractive.  The 
employees  prepared  such  hot  dishes  as  they  wished,  using  their  own 
supplies.  In  1 factory  lunches  were  eaten  in  the  coat  or  dressing 
room.  Factory  office  workers  usually  patronized  the  commercial 
lunch  rooms. 

Factors  determining  the  Bringing  of  Lunches. 

Several  factors  determine  the  bringing  of  lunches.  The  most 
important  of  these  are : — 

1.  The  amount  and  kind  of  wages. 

2.  The  length  of  the  noon  hour. 

3.  The  character  of  the  employment. 

4.  The  nationality  of  the  worker  and  of  her  parents. 

Amount  and  Kind  of  Wages. 

The  wages  of  a woman  factory  worker  rarely  permit  the  purchase 
of  a warm  noon  meal.  Half  of  the  women  engaged  in  manufacturing 
(47.9  per  cent.)  reported  their  earnings  for  the  previous  week  as  less 
than  $8,  a fourth  (23.8  per  cent.)  received  $8  to  $9,  and  three-fourths 
(72.2  per  cent.)  less  than  $9.  Irregularity  of  employment  makes  the 
situation  worse  when  earnings  are  distributed  through  the  year.  A 
pay-roll  study  made  in  1915  by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor 
Statistics  1 showed  that  of  708  women  employed  in  5 representative 
ready-to-wear  dress  and  waist  factories  in  Boston,  75.6  per  cent, 
earned  on  an  average  less  than  $8,  as  compared  with  47.9  per  cent, 
in  the  present  study,  and  that  83.4  per  cent,  earned  less  than  $9 
instead  of  72.2  per  cent,  as  reported  for  the  one  week  covered  in  this 
investigation.  Results  similar  to  the  Federal  study  were  obtained 
in  an  investigation  of  36  garment-making  establishments  located  in 
7 cities  of  the  State,  made  by  the  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage 
Commission  in  1915. 2 The  largest  number  of  workers  received  $5 
as  an  average  wage  instead  of  $8  as  in  the  present  survey. 

A further  study  of  the  wages  of  the  factory  women  shows  that  the 
piece  workers,  who  were  subject  to  a greater  physical  strain  than 
those  paid  on  a time-rate  basis,  were  usually  found  in  the  lowest 

1 Regularity  of  Employment  in  the  Women’s  Ready-to-Wear  Garment  Industries,  United  States 
Department  of  Labor,  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  October,  1915,  Bulletin  No.  183,  pp.  67, 125. 

2 Wages  of  Women  in  Clothing  Factories  in  Massachusetts,  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commis- 
sion, September,  1915,  Bulletin  No.  9,  pp.  23,  24. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


25 


wage  groups.  They  were  operating  power-stitching  and  addressing 
machines,  and  were  engaged  in  the  semi-skilled  processes  of  manu- 
facturing, such  as  folding,  ironing,  pressing,  pasting,  labeling,  packing, 
making  bows  and  running  ribbons,  examining,  stock  checking  and 
distributing.  Only  26  stitchers  and  sewers  and  4 of  these  semi- 
skilled workers  earned  more  than  $8  per  week.1  Evidently  the 
women  in  manufacturing  processes  who  are  spending  the  most  energy 
in* the  more  exhausting  kinds  of  employment  are  the  ones  who  are 
least  able  to  purchase  lunches.  Ninety-seven  (97.3)  per  cent,  of 
these  low-wage  piece  workers  ate  cold  lunches  brought  from  home. 

The  majority  of  the  women  engaged  in  the  occupations  demanding 
less  physical  exertion  were  earning  wages  which  permitted  the  occa- 
sional or  regular  purchase  of  a hot  noon  meal.  Designers,  fore- 
women and  others  in  responsible  positions,  together  with  the  factory 
office  workers,  reported  $8  to  $18  per  week.  The  women  employed 
in  the  department  stores  and  the  general  office  workers  also  were 
usually  found  in  this  higher  wage  group.  The  minimum  wage  in 
retail  stores  was  fixed  in  1915  at  $8. 50. 2 The  managers  of  all  the 
large  department  stores  in  Boston  voluntarily  agreed  to  establish 
this  wage,  so  that  approximately  11,000  of  the  women  who  are  en- 
gaged in  salesmanship  in  these  stores  are  financially  able  to  purchase 
lunches  if  they  wish  to  do  so.  A study  3 of  the  wages  of  women 
in  general  office  work  made  in  1914  by  the  Women’s  Educational 
and  Industrial  Union  showed  that  for  these  workers  also  the  situa- 
tion is  far  better  than  it  is  for  factory  workers;  the  largest  number 
were  found  in  the  $12  wage  group,  and  83.5  per  cent,  of  them  earned 
more  than  $8.  Only  20  of  the  111  women  who  bought  lunches 
earned  less  than  $8,  and  3 of  these  were  time  workers  at  $7  a week. 

While  the  necessity  for  economy  was  an  important  if  not  the  chief 
reason  which  led  so  large  a portion  of  the  low-wage  group  to  bring 
lunches  from  home,  only  a fifth  (20.9  per  cent.)  of  those  inter- 
viewed gave  this  reason.  Over  a third  (37.1  per  cent.)  of  them 
said  they  disliked  restaurant  food  or  preferred  home  cooking  (Table 
10).  However,  the  higher  wage  group,  who  were  frequent  patrons 

1 The  Brush  Makers’  Wage  Board  of  the  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission  reported  in  1914 
as  follows:  “Allowing  for  variations  between  individuals,  the  wage  board  is  convinced  that  the  sum 
required  to  keep  alive  and  in  health  a completely  self-supporting  woman  in  Boston  is  in  no  case  less  than 
$8,  and  in  many  cases  may  rise  to  $9  or  more.”  Second  Annual  Report,  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage 
Commission,  p.  9. 

2 Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission  Bulletin  No.  12,  p.  11. 

* Allinson,  May.  The  Public  Schools  and  Women  in  Office  Service,  Women’s  Educational  and  In- 
dustrial Union  (Boston,  1914),  pp.  113,  114. 


26 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


1 From  this  table  are  omitted  schedules  of  factory  women  who  go  home  to  dinner  or  have  no  luncheon. 

2 Three  reported  $13,  1 reported  $14,  3 reported  $15,  1 reported  $16,  5 reported  $18. 


Table  9.  — Reasons  for  buying  Lunches  in  Town  given  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices,  classified  according  to 

Wages  and  Length  of  Noon  Hour. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


27 


1 Omitting  those  not  reported. 


Table  10.  — Reasons  for  bringing  Lunches  from  Home  given  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices , classified  according 


28  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Omitting  those  not  reported. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


29 


of  cafeterias  and  restaurants,  said  they  bought  the  noon  meal  be- 
cause they  disliked  cold,  dry  lunches,  or  preferred  hot  food,  or  found 
it  inconvenient  to  pack  a lunch  (Table  9). 

Length  of  the  Noon  Hour. 

The  third  (33.6  per  cent.)  of  the  women  whose  low  wages  pre- 
vented the  purchase  of  lunches  were  also  the  workers  who  were  al- 
lowed the  shortest  noon  intervals.  “There’s  no  time  to  go,”  one 
worker  said,  “and  I always  spend  25  cents  which  I cannot  afford.” 
Thirty  minutes,  the  minimum  legal  requirement,1  was  reported  by 
30.8  per  cent,  of  the  semi-skilled  workers  and  by  36.1  per  cent,  of 
the  machine  stitchers  (Table  11).  “I  would  like  to  go,  and  used 
to  often  when  I had  an  hour  in  another  factory,”  said  one  of  these 
women.  A number  of  managers  claimed  that  the  workers  chose  the 
short  noon  period  in  order  that  they  might  have  Saturday  after- 
noon free,  but  it  is  hardly  justifiable  to  claim  that  the  time  gained 
was  needed  for  work,  when  a recent  survey  2 has  shown  that  most 
of  these  women  were  employed  on  an  average  of  38  to  49  hours  a 
week,  and  that  only  5 out  of  446  employees  in  the  Massachusetts 
clothing  industry  averaged  as  many  as  fifty-four  hours  per  week. 

Only  16  who  bought  lunches  have  the  short  period  at  noon  (Table 
9).  The  schedules  of  8 of  these  show  that  they  sent  an  office  mes- 
senger boy  to  commercial  restaurants  before  12  o’clock  to  purchase 
the  noon  meal  which  they  ate  in  the  factory.  By  clubbing  together 
they  found  that  they  could  have  greater  variety  at  less  expense. 
Eight  who  had  thirty  minutes  left  the  building,  but  only  1,  a time 
worker  who  reported  $10  a week  for  wages,  bought  lunch  regularly. 
Three  of  the  8 patronized  a restaurant  across  the  street  from  the 
factory,  and  5 walked  to  restaurants  less  than  three  blocks  away. 

The  factory  office  and  saleswomen  usually  had  a 60-minute  noon 
hour  (Table  11),  as  did  also  the  181  women  interviewed  in  the  de- 
partment stores.  These  were  more  fortunate  than  those  engaged  in 
the  low-wage  manufacturing  processes  in  that  they  had  opportunities 
for  rest  and  relaxation.  The  full  noon  hour  is  the  custom  with 
women  in  office  positions  and  salesmanship,  and  they  have  never 
been  asked  to  sacrifice  any  of  their  noon  time,  even  when  they  have 

1 General  Acts  of  Massachusetts,  1909,  chapter  514,  section  68. 

2 Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  Wages  of  Women  in  Women’s  Clothing  Factories  in 
Massachusetts,  Bulletin  No.  9,  September,  1915,  p.  29. 


30 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


been  given  the  half  day  off  on  Saturday.  The  reduction  of  the 
legal  hours  of  employment  to  an  eight-hour  day,  or  else  an  exten- 
sion of  the  legal  requirement  for  the  noon  period  to  sixty  minutes, 
is  necessary  in  order  to  restore  the  noon  hour  of  the  factory  workers 
to  its  traditional  length. 

Character  of  Employment. 

The  character  of  the  work  performed,  as  well  as  the  wages  and 
the  length  of  the  noon  hour,  influences  the  leaving  of  the  building 
at  noon  either  for  food  or  exercise.  Manufacturing  processes  require 
or  permit  the  wearing  of  work  clothes  or  aprons,  and  it  takes  “too 
much  time”  or  is  “too  much  trouble”  to  doff  them  for  street  gar- 
ments, especially  if  there  is  but  thirty  minutes  for  lunch.  Nine  per 


Table  11.  — Classification  of  Women  and  Girls  employed  in  the  Principal 
Factory  District  of  Boston  according  to  Occupation  and  the  Length  of  the  Lunch 
Period. 


Women  and  Girls  having  for  Noon  Hour  — 

Total. 

THIRTY 

FORT'S 

-FIVE 

SIXTY 

Kinds  of  Employment. 

MINUTES. 

MINUTES. 

MINUTES. 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

All  occupations,  .... 

521 

100.0 

134 

25.7 

Ill 

21.3 

276 

53.0 

Manufacturing  pursuits, 

447 

100.0 

133 

29.7 

95 

21.3 

219 

49.0 

Stitchers  and  other  power  ma- 

277 

100.0 

100 

36.1 

56 

20.2 

121 

43.7 

chine  operators. 

Hand  sewers  and  finishers, 

89 

100.0 

10 

11.3 

16 

17.9 

63 

70.8 

Other  semi-skilled  workers, 

65 

100.0 

20 

30.8 

16 

24.6 

29 

44.6 

Designers,  cutters,  managers, 

16 

100.0 

3 

18.8 

7 

43.7 

6 

37.5 

etc. 

Factory  saleswomen, 

3 

100.0 

- 

- 

- 

3 

100.0 

Office  work, 

71 

100.0 

1 

1.4 

16 

22.5 

54 

76.1 

cent,  more  stitchers  and  hand  sewers  never  leave  than  workers  in  the 
semi-skilled  processes,  and  12  per  cent,  more  piece  workers  than 
time  workers.  “We  have  to  plow  right  in  and  make  what  we  can, 
and  I’d  rather  rest  than  go  out,”  said  one  of  the  workers.  Taken 
together,  more  than  50  (51.2)  per  cent,  of  those  in  manufacturing 
processes  never  leave  the  building,  whereas  office  women,  sales- 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


31 


Table  12.  — Use  of  Spare  Time  after  Luncheon  by  Women  and  Girls  in  Fac- 
tories and  Factory  Offices,  distributed  according  to  Kind  of  Employment. 


Uses  of  Spare  Time. 

Total 

Women. 

Power- 

machine 

Operators. 

Sewers  and 
Semi-skilled 
Workers. 

Drafters, 

Managers, 

Sales 

and  Office 
Women. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

All  uses, 

521 

100.0 

277 

53.1 

154 

29.6 

90 

17.3 

Talking  with  others, 

122 

100.0 

68 

55.8 

44 

36.0 

10 

8.2 

Reading  newspapers,  magazines 

46 

100.0 

29 

63.0 

16 

34.8 

1 

2.2 

and  books. 

Resting  at  tables  or  machines, 

16 

100.0 

12 

75.0 

4 

25.0 

- 

- 

Sewing,  embroidering  and  cro- 
cheting. 

19 

100.0 

12 

63.2 

6 

31.6 

1 

5.2 

Working, 

39 

100.0 

24 

61.5 

13 

33.3 

2 

5.2 

Walking  for  air  and  exercise, 

56 

100.0 

17 

30.3 

18 

32.1 

21 

37.6 

Doing  errands  or  shopping, 

40 

100.0 

18 

45.0 

13 

32.5 

9 

22.5 

Dancing  and  singing,  . 

15 

100.0 

3 

20.0 

7 

46.7 

5 

33.3 

No  time  to  spare, 

116 

100.0 

75 

64.7 

13 

11.2 

28 

24.1 

Other  uses 

10 

100.0 

3 

30.0 

5 

50.0 

2 

20.0 

Not  reported,  .... 

42 

100.0 

16 

38.1 

15 

35.7 

11 

26.2 

Table  13.  — Use  of  Spare  Time  after  Luncheon  by  Women  and  Girls  in 
Department  Stores  of  Boston  City  Proper. 


Uses  of  Spare  Time  in  Department  Stores. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

All  uses 

181 

100.0 

Walking, 

62 

34.3 

Errands  or  shopping, 

21 

11.6 

Dancing  or  singing, 

4 

2.2 

Reading  newspapers, 

37 

20.4 

Talking  with  others, 

30 

16.6 

Resting, 

13 

7.2 

Sewing,  embroidering,  crocheting, 

5 

2.8 

No  spare  time, 

3 

1.6 

Not  reported, 

6 

3.3 

32 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


women  and  those  in  responsible  positions  reported  that  they  usually 
left  the  building  at  noon. 

The  quieter  ways  of  spending  spare  time  reported  by  the  ma- 
chine stitchers  showed  their  need  of  this  period  of  relaxation.  Rest- 
ing at  tables  or  machines,  reading  newspapers,  sewing  for  them- 
selves, embroidering,  crocheting  and  conversing  were  the  uses  of 
spare  time  reported  by  them  (Table  12).  Stitchers,  who  are  usually 
piece  workers,  are  tempted  to  use  spare  time  at  noon  for  work;  of 
the  39  who  reported  this  use  of  time  29  -were  power-machine 
stitchers.  Sewers  and  semi-skilled  workers  avail  themselves  about 
equally  of  the  restful  and  active  recreations,  and  those  in  responsible 
positions  and  office  work  go  out  regularly  for  exercise  or  lunch  or 
shopping,  or  else  dance  and  sing  if  they  remain  in  the  factory.  One 
hundred  and  sixteen,  or  more  than  22.3  per  cent,  of  the  factory 
women,  had  no  spare  time  after  luncheon,  and  all  of  these  either 
had  thirty  minutes  for  the  noon  hour  or  used  the  longer  period  to  go 
home  to  dinner. 

Without  exception  all  the  women  interviewed  in  the  department 
stores  had  a full  hour  at  noon,  and  the  use  made  of  spare  time  after 
eating  luncheon  depended  very  much  upon  the  amount  of  space 
devoted  to  the  comfort  and  accommodation  of  the  employees  and 
upon  the  adequacy  of  its  equipment.  Often  the  women  sat  reading 
or  chatting  at  the  lunch  tables,  but  this  could  not  be  done  if  the 
room  was  small,  for  successive  relays  of  employees  made  it  necessary 
for  those  who  came  first  to  depart  promptly.  One  store  had  a lunch 
room  large  enough  so  that  the  employees  could  remain  at  the  tables 
if  they  wished,  and  there  was  also  room  at  one  end  for  groups  to 
dance,  play  the  piano  and  sing.  Five  of  the  department  stores  had 
rest  or  recreation  rooms  in  addition  to  the  lunch  rooms.  Thirty-six 
per  cent,  of  the  women  reported  that  they  never  left  the  building  at 
noon,  and  as  many  more  (37.5  per  cent.)  only  went  occasionally. 

Half  of  the  women  (47  per  cent.)  occupied  themselves  with  the 
quieter  recreations,  such  as  reading  newspapers,  talking  "with  friends, 
resting,  sewing,  embroidering  or  crocheting,  and  half  (48.1  per  cent.) 
went  for  walks,  did  errands  or  shopping,  or  danced  and  sang  in  the 
recreation  rooms  (Table  13).  Most  of  the  women  named  two  uses 
of  spare  time,  and  these  secondary  uses  are  slightly  in  favor  of  the 
restful  recreations.  No  one  used  her  spare  time  in  working  as  was 
done  by  a number  (39)  of  the  women  in  the  factories.  Those  who 


Noon  Luncheon , Parentage  and  Nativity. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


33 


o 

O 


• <<> 


34 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


work  in  department  stores  in  Boston  are  receiving  the  legal  wage, 
and  an  employee  cannot  increase  her  weekly  wages  by  working  at 
noon. 

Nationality. 

Nationality,  as  well  as  wages  and  the  length  of  the  noon  hour,  was 
a factor  in  determining  the  method  of  obtaining  the  noon  luncheon. 
In  some  cases  there  were  preferences  for  certain  kinds  of  bread, 
fish,  meats  or  vegetables  characteristic  of  national  diets,  and  in 
others  the  diet  was  restricted  by  religious  requirements.  In  both 
factories  and  department  .stores  there  were  well-marked  differences 
between  the  native  born  and  the  foreign  born  apd  those  of  English 
speaking  and  non-English  speaking  parentage. 

The  native  born  show  a greater  disposition  to  purchase  their 
lunches;  66,  or  28.9  per  cent.,  of  those  working  in  factories,  and  125, 
or  82.2  per  cent.,  of  those  in  department  stores  provided  the  noon 
meal  in  this  way  (Table  14).  Evidently  the  native  born  rarely  live 
near  their  places  of  employment,  as  only  4 of  the  factory  workers 
and  1 department  store  worker  went  home  at  noon.  Of  the  native 
born  group  the  factory  workers  of  English-speaking  parentage  show 
10  (9.9)  per  cent,  more  buying  lunches  than  the  factory  workers  of 
non-English  speaking  parentage.  A somewhat  surprising  variation 
is  found  in  the  case  of  the  small  group  of  department  store  workers 
of  non-English  speaking  parentage;  91.3  per  cent,  of  these  buy 
lunches  as  compared  with  80.6  per  cent,  of  those  of  English-speaking 
parentage. 

The  women  of  foreign  birth  of  non-English  speaking  parentage 
usually  brought  their  lunches  or  went  home  at  noon.  This  was 
true  of  nearly  90  per  cent,  of  the  foreign  born  factory  workers,  as 
137,  or  78.2  per  cent.,  brought  lunch,  and  19,  or  10.9  per  cent.,  went 
home.  The  foreign  born  factory  workers  of  English  speaking  par- 
entage buy  lunches  more  frequently  than  do  those  of  non-English 
speaking  parentage.  Certain  restaurants  in  the  factory  district  were 
patronized  by  16.3  per  cent,  of  Jews,  and  all  of  them  were  patronized 
by  women  of  English  speaking  parentage,  but  none  of  the  Italians, 
Swedes,  Germans,  Austrians,  French,  Greeks,  Roumanians,  Portu- 
guese, Spanish  or  Bohemians  patronized  the  restaurants,  and  nearly 
all  the  workers  of  Syrian  birth  and  parentage  lived  in  the  South 
End  near  enough  to  go  home  to  dinner. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


35 


Two  explanations  may  account  for  these  differences  between  the 
native  and  foreign  born  and  the  English  and  non-English  speaking 
groups.  Foreign  women  show  a greater  tendency  to  fall  into  the 
low-wage,  short  noon  hour  groups,  and  were  found  among  the 
factory  piece  workers  rather  than  office  and  store  workers.  It  seem§ 
probable,  also,  that  their  greater  timidity  or  conservatism  would 
prevent  their  going  to  public  eating  places.  This  last  factor  would 
not  be  present  in  the  case  of  the  few  department  store  workers 
who  could  buy  lunches  at  the  employees’  cafeteria. 

In  summing  up  the  factors  determining  the  bringing  or  buying  of 
lunches  we  find : — 

1.  That  the  low-wage  piece  workers  usually  bring  lunches  from 
home,  while  the  higher-wage  office  and  department  store  workers 
are  more  apt  to  buy  their  lunches. 

2.  The  short  intermission  at  noon  among  the  factory  workers 
makes  it  impossible  to  go  out  to  buy  a lunch,  and  prevents  proper  rest 
and  recreation. 

3.  Piece  workers  and  power-machine  operators  seldom  or  never 
leave  the  factory  at  noon  either  for  food  or  exercise,  and  are  re- 
luctant to  make  the  change  from  work  to  street  clothing. 

4.  Foreign  born  women  and  those  of  non-English  speaking  parent- 
age show  a greater  disposition  to  bring  lunches,  while  the  native  born 
and  those  of  English  speaking  parentage  buy  luncheon  when  the 
wage  and  length  of  noon  hour  permit. 

Provisions  for  Heating  or  Supplementing  the  Lunches  of 

Factory  Workers. 

When  the  power  is  switched  off  at  12  o’clock  the  women  who  go 
out  to  lunch  hasten  their  departure,  and  the  remainder  bring  forth 
their  lunches  from  coat  rooms  or  hand  bags.  Seated  alone  or  in 
groups  of  three  or  four  the  workers  set  out  their  teapots,  tumblers  or 
cups,  lunch  wrappings,  food  and  fruit,  holding  them  in  the  lap  or 
placing  them  on  the  work  tables  or  machines. 

The  food  of  the  445  women  who  regularly  or  frequently  brought 
lunches  from  home  was  put  up  chiefly  in  wrapping  paper,  waxed 
paper  or  paper  bags.  Paper  and  linen  napkins  were  little  used.  The 
tin  dinner  pail  and  the  black  or  plaid  tin  box  are  out  of  date.  Office 
workers  used  more  of  the  waxed  paper  than  did  those  in  manu- 


36 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


facturing  pursuits.  The  lunch  as  carried  to-day  is  a paper-wrapped 
parcel  similar  to  a shopping  bundle.  It  can  be  disposed  of  entirely, 
and  it  avoids  identifying  the  carrier  as  a wage  earner.  Half  of  these 
women  (50  per  cent.)  reported  putting  up  their  own  lunches,  mothers 
put  them  up  for  a third  (35.6  per  cent.),  aunts,  sisters  and  other 
relatives  put  them  up  for  10  (10.5)  per  cent.,  and  landladies  for  the 
remainder. 

The  extensive  use  of  such  cooking  facilities  as  were  provided  proves 
that  the  women  factory  workers  craved  hot  food.  The  proportion 
who  prepared  hot  dishes  varied  with  the  adequacy  of  the  cooking 
arrangements  (Table  15).  A gas  range  with  a four-burner  top  and  an 
oven,  and  two  double-burner  gas  plates  were  found  in  one  factory 
where  190  women  were  employed.  Twenty-three  women  who  ate 
lunches  in  this  factory  were  interviewed,  and  22  of  these  reported 
that  they  prepared  tea  or  cocoa,  cooked  soups  and  vegetables  and 
baked  potatoes  or  apples.  In  two  other  firms  that  had  two  gas 
plates  of  three  burners  each,  or  one  burner  for  each  11  employees, 
the  facilities  were  used  by  more  than  90  (91.4)  per  cent,  of  the 


Table  15.  — Extent  of  Use  of  Cooking  Facilities  by  Women  and  Girls  working 
in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices. 


Cooking  Facilities. 

Estab- 

lish- 

ments. 

Em- 

ploy- 

ees. 

Total 
Factory 
Schedules 
obtained  . 

Women  who  brought  Lunches. 

Num- 

ber. 

Not 

using 

Facili- 

ties. 

USING 

FACILITIES. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Total, 

49 

1,782 

521 

100.0 

445 

233 

212 

47.6 

Stoves  (gas  or  electric):  — 

1 plate, 

15 

438 

146 

28.0 

118 

84 

34 

28.8 

2 plates, 

6 

137 

55 

10.6 

42 

22 

20 

47.6 

3 plates 

6 

364 

75 

14.4 

63 

19 

44 

69.8 

4 plates, 

3 

161 

36 

6.9 

35 

5 

30 

85.7 

6 plates,  

2 

131 

35 

6.7 

35 

3 

32 

91.4 

Range  (4-plate  top  and  oven,  also 

1 

190 

24 

4.6  1 

23 

1 

22 

95.7 

two  2-plate  stoves). 

Stove  and  oven  (detachable), 

1 

10 

6 

1.1 

6 

2 

4 

66.7 

Iron  heaters  (40  separate),  . 

1 

66 

26 

5.0 

26 

6 

20 

76.9 

Toaster  and  teakettle,  . 

1 

20 

10 

2.0 

9 

3 

6 

66.7 

No  facilities,  .... 

13 

265 

108 

20.7 

88 

88 

- 

- 

THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


37 


workers.  In  addition  to  tea  and  soups,  eggs,  toast,  cheese  and 
creamed  dishes  were  prepared.  Various  kinds  of  facilities  were 
found  in  other  factories  and  factory  offices.  In  addition  to  gas  stoves 
in  the  workroom,  one  had  a hotwater  tank,  another  a copper  cauldron, 
another  an  aluminum  kettle,  and  another  an  electric  toaster  and 
kettle.  Most  of  the  apparatus,  however,  was  makeshift  in  character, 
and  one-fifth  (20.7  per  cent.)  of  the  women  interviewed  had  no 
facilities  whatever  for  heating  water  or  warming  over  food. 

Co-operative  preparation  of  lunches  was  a method  used  in  one  of 
the  factories  where  the  number  of  employees  was  small.  The  fore- 
lady or  some  enterprising  member  of  the  group  conferred  with  the 
others  late  in  the  forenoon  as  to  what  they  should  have  for  luncheon. 
The  office  boy  was  then  sent  to  a near-by  restaurant  or  grocery,  the 
supplies  were  purchased,  and  when  all  was  ready  the  group  sat  down 
at  a table  and  ate  the  luncheon.  In  still  another  factory  a kind  of 
kitchenette  was  formed  by  the  arrangement  of  the  sink,  stove  and 
shelves.  The  manager  purchased  tea,  coffee,  sugar  and  canned 
goods  for  the  workers  at  wholesale  rates.  These  schemes  of  co- 
operative buying  and  preparation  of  lunches  greatly  reduced  the 
expense  and  increased  the  attractiveness  and  sociability  of  the 
luncheon.  This  method  of  securing  a lunch  was  possible  wherever 
the  cooking  facilities  were  adequate,  and  where  economic  competi- 
tion and  social  differences  between  the  racial  elements  was  not  too 
keenly  felt.  In  a number  of  places  small  groups  of  three  or  four 
women  prepared  tea,  coffee  or  cocoa,  or  shared  the  expense  of  some 
special  treat. 

Kinds  of  Food  brought  from  Home. 

The  influence  of  nationality  is  seen  in  the  choice  of  the  33  kinds 
of  food  observed  or  reported  in  the  lunch  menus  of  the  women  in 
factories  and  factory  offices.  When  it  was  possible  to  secure  them, 
the  menus  of  the  day  on  which  the  interview  occurred  and  of  the 
day  before  were  obtained.  The  group  of  387  women  who  brought 
lunches  five  or  six  days  of  the  week,  and  of  58  who  brought  them 
occasionally,  reported  712  menus  with  2,582  food  items  (Table  16). 
The  characteristic  number  of  food  items  for  each  menu  was  4, 
averaging  3.5  for  women  of  English  speaking  parentage  and  3.7  for 
women  of  non-English  speaking  parentage.  The  typical  lunch  con- 
sisted of  sandwiches,  cake,  fruit  and  tea.  There  is  very  little  differ- 


Table  16.  — Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Foods  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of  Women  and  Girls  of  English  and  Non-English 
Speaking  Parentage  working  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home. 


\ 


38 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


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THE  NOON  LUNCHEON.  39 


40 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


ence  in  the  variety  chosen  by  these  groups  as  a whole,  and  for  those 
nationalities  which  did  not  bring  certain  kinds  of  food  the  number 
of  schedules  and  of  menus  was  too  small  to  conclude  that  they  do 
not  eat  them.  Women  of  American  and  of  Jewish  parentage  re- 
ported the  largest  variety  of  foods. 

The  protein  diet  for  all  women  consisted  chiefly  of  meat,  fish, 
eggs  and  cheese,  used  in  sandwiches  and  supplemented  often  by 
plain  bread  and  butter.  Meats  were  brought  more  by  women  of 
English  speaking  parentage,  and  fish,  eggs  and  cheese  by  women  of 
non-English  speaking  parentage.  National  diet  was  most  noticeable, 
however,  in  the  kinds  of  bread,  of  meats  and  of  fish,  of  vegetables 
and  of  fruit  reported  in  the  menus.  Women  of  English  speaking 
parentage  brought  chiefly  white  bread,  but  others  brought  rye  or 
graham,  sliced,  or  in  loaves  to  be  cut  off  when  eaten,  or  thin  like 
large  pancakes  and  broken  into  portions  convenient  to  handle.  A 
large  number  of  the  menus  of  the  Irish,  Scotch,  Jews  and  Italians 
include  plain  bread  and  butter.  Ham  and  roast  beef  were  the  most 
popular  meats  for  sandwiches  with  women  of  all  nationalities  except 
the  Ptussian  and  Polish  Jews,  who  preferred  corned  beef  and  chicken. 
Chicken  is  the  third  choice  for  all  except  the  Hebrews  and  the 
Irish,  who  chose  lamb  oftener,  and  the  Germans,  who  preferred 
Frankfurters  (Table  17).  Fish  used  in  sandwiches  were  chiefly  the 
small,  dry  or  salt  varieties,  or  else  kinds  that  are  easily  minced. 
Salmon  was  the  most  popular,  herring  next  and  sardines  third.  The 
Jews  and  Italians  are  the  chief  eaters  of  this  form  of  protein  diet. 
Eggs  were  reported  oftenest  in  the  menus  of  women  of  Irish,  Jewish 
and  American  descent,  and  cheese  was  used  chiefly  by  Canadians, 
Italians,  Jews  and  Americans,  its  frequency  being  in  the  order 
named. 

Vegetables  are  most  palatable  when  hot,  and  since  it  was  not 
always  convenient  to  warm  over  food  in  the  factories,  and  since  this 
kind  of  food  must  be  brought  in  jars  or  tumblers  thereby  increasing 
the  size  and  weight  of  the  lunch  bundle,  they  do  not  appear  so 
conspicuously  in  the  menus  of  women  who  ate  lunches  in  the  factory 
as  they  do  in  those  purchased  in  the  commercial  restaurants  and  em- 
ployees’ cafeterias.  Potatoes  were  brought  oftenest  by  Americans 
and  baked  beans  by  Americans  and  Irish.  Peppers  and  onions  were 
most  popular  with  Italians,  15.9  per  cent,  of  whose  food  items  were 
these  vegetables  as  compared  with  4.4  per  cent,  of  the  vegetable 
food  of  women  of  English  speaking  parentage. 


Table  17.  Choice  of  Meal  and  Fish  as  Sandwich  Fillings  by  Women  and  Girls  of  English  and  Non-English  Speaking  Parentage, 

working  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices,  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


41 


Sources  of  Information  for  the  Above  Items  and  the  Distribution  of  Schedules  and  Menus. 


42 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Women  of  all  nationalities  ate  cake,  pie,  oranges  and  apples  for 
dessert,  except  that  the  Italians  and  South  Europeans  did  not  bring 
pie.  Cake  was  reported  oftenest  by  Canadians,  Germans,  Americans 
and  Irish,  and  the  kinds  named  were  chiefly  plain,  fruit  and  mocha. 
The  most  popular  kinds  of  pie  were  apple  and  mince.  Fruit  forms 
32.9  per  cent,  of  the  food  items  of  women  of  non-English  speaking 
parentage,  as  compared  with  18  per  cent,  of  those  of  English  speak- 
ing parentage,  but  fruit  also  is  mentioned  often  by  American  and 
Irish  women.  The  quickest  and  easiest  hot  beverage  to  prepare  was 
tea.  It  was  reported  oftener  than  coffee,  cocoa  and  milk  together  by 
women  of  English  speaking  parentage,  but  coffee  and  milk  were  also 
used  considerably  by  Jewish  women.  The  Swedish  women  were  the 
only  ones  who  did  not  report  tea  and  coffee,  but  the  number  of  their 
schedules  was  too  small  to  justify  the  statement  that  they  never  use 
them. 

The  Box  Lunch  and  Fruit  Venders. 

Boston  has  two  firms  which  make  a business  of  putting  up  box 
lunches  and  delivering  them  in  the  various  places  of  business  for  a 
small  sum.  One  of  these  companies  has  an  automobile  for  delivery, 
but  the  boxes  are  also  sold  on  commission  by  messengers,  janitors, 
office  boys  or  watchmen.  A number  of  combinations  are  put  up, 
varying  in  price  from  10  to  25  cents,  and  consisting  of  two  or  three 
sandwiches,  cake,  pie  and  fruit,  wffiich  are  wrapped  in  waxed  paper 
and  packed  in  a light  cardboard  box.  With  this  possibility  of  secur- 
ing a lunch  at  a low  cost  it  might  be  supposed  that  the  women  who 
work  in  factories  could  easily  obtain  food  in  an  emergency,  but  those 
who  had  tried  the  box  lunches  commented  thus:  “They  do  it  up  all 
right,  but  it  doesn’t  taste  good.”  “I  bought  one  once,  but  never 
again.”  “It  looks  all  right,  but  we  can’t  eat  it.”  In  nearly  every 
factory  inquiry  was  made  as  to  whether  such  lunches  were  pur- 
chased, and  invariably  women  were  not  advocates  of  the  “box 
lunch.”  Certain  kinds  of  food,  even  if  fresh,  cannot  be  confined 
without  developing  a strong  odor  and,  as  one  girl  remarked,  it  was 
“factory  food  and  not  home  cooking.”  It  is  also  true  that  most 
people  prefer  to  choose  the  different  items  of  their  lunch  instead  of 
having  a “foreordained”  combination. 

A different  kind  of  a commercial  effort  to  cater  to  the  lunch  needs 
of  factory  women  is  made  by  the  Italian  fruit  venders.  They  come 


Table  18.  • — Commercial  Restaurants  patronized,  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices , classified  according 
to  Frequency  of  Buying , and  Prices  actually  paid  for  Menus  in  Week  of  Interview. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


43 


44 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


to  town,  chiefly  from  Somerville  and  Lynn,  early  in  the  morning, 
with  their  large  hampers.  They  have  no  stores,  but  stock  up  at  the 
markets,  and  from  10  to  1 o’clock  go  quickly  on  regular  routes 
through  a number  of  buildings  in  which  they  are  given  the  sole  right 
to  sell  fruit,  chocolate  bars,  nuts  and  gum.  One  vender  when  ques- 
tioned said  that  he  had  been  in  the  country  five  years,  and  that 
his  profits  averaged  $2.50  to  $3  a day.  Most  of  the  managers  en- 
couraged these  venders  to  come  in,  and  they  were  reported  by  the 
women  to  be  very  generally  patronized.  Two  or  three  managers, 
however,  did  not  permit  them  to  sell  in  the  factory  workroom,  for 
they  feared  the  workers  would  be  tempted  to  depend  upon  such 
purchases  for  an  entire  lunch.  Another  said  that  the  prices  of  the 
fruit  were  too  high.  “It  is  cheaper  to  buy  at  a fruit  store  where 
you  can  get  2 oranges,  bananas  or  apples  for  5 cents,  but  of  course 
sometimes  one  forgets  to  buy  or  has  other  bundles.”  Not  many 
women  ate  chocolate  bars  and  candies  with  their  noon  lunches,  and 
most  of  them  seemed  to  bring  their  own  fruit.  Nevertheless,  fruit 
vending  is  a resource  in  an  emergency,  and  as  such  is  to  be  com- 
mended. 

The  Luncheon  purchased  by  Factory  Workers  in  Commercial 

Restaurants. 

Although  the  home  supplied  the  lunches  of  most  of  the  women  in 
factories  and  factory  offices,  the  commercial  restaurant  was  a lunch- 
eon resource  for  a small  group  of  workers  who  purchased  their 
lunches  in  town.  Of  the  521  factory  women  interviewed,  53  pur- 
chased their  lunches  every  day,  and  58  more  bought  them  frequently 
or  occasionally  (Table  18).  These  buyers  of  lunches  were  chiefly 
office  women  in  the  higher  wage  group,  who  had  forty-five  or  sixty 
minutes  at  noon  (Table  11).  A fourth  of  them  (25.9  per  cent.)  gave 
as  a reason  for  buying  rather  than  bringing  lunches  the  inconven- 
ience of  putting  up  a lunch  at  home.  Nearly  a third  of  them  (29.9 
per  cent.)  said  they  were  only  occasional  buyers  because  of  the  cost 
of  the  commercial  lunches  or  because  of  the  shortness  of  the  noon 
hour  (Table  9).  The  restaurant  lunch  appeared  to  be  more  attrac- 
tive than  the  home  lunch  in  that  it  offered  hot  food  and  a change  of 
diet  instead  of  a cold,  dry  lunch. 

The  restaurants  patronized  by  these  women  were  chiefly  of  the 
counter  or  cafeteria  type  of  service.  Nine  of  them  were  located  in 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


45 


the  immediate  factory  district,  or  very  near,  and  a string  of  stores 
are  maintained  by  the  most  popular  ones.  The  health  department  of 
the  city  which  inspects  the  1,500  or  more  restaurants  rates  Restau- 
rants A,  B,  C and  D as  superior  in  methods  and  equipment  to  some 
first-class  hotels.  Restaurant  A (Table  18)  had  the  most  attractive 
equipment  and  cafeteria  service.  Restaurants  B and  C had  counter 
service,  and  D had  table  service.  Restaurant  C was  the  one  most 
often  praised  for  the  flavor  of  its  food,  and  was  regularly  patronized 
by  the  largest  percentage  of  the  buyers  of  lunches  (14.4  per  cent.). 

The  variety  of  foods  reported  in  the  menus  purchased  at  the  com- 
mercial restaurants  was  greater  by  7 items  than  in  the  lunches 
brought  from  home,  and  the  list  of  vegetables  and  desserts  was 
longer.  The  average  menu,  however,  had  3 (2.6)  items  instead  of 
4 (3.6),  as  the  home  menus  had  (Tables  16  and  19),  but  the  meal  was 
probably  as  nourishing  and  certainly  hotter  than  the  home  lunch, 
even  though  the  buyer  did  not  eat  as  many  portions  or  kinds  of  food. 
The  most  popular  items  were  meat,  potatoes  and  pie.  Hot  dishes 
took  the  place  of  the  sandwiches  of  the  home  lunch,  and  fish  was 
reported  oftener  but  bread  was  reported  in  about  the  same  propor- 
tion. Pie  and  coffee  in  the  restaurant  lunch  surpassed  cake  and  tea 
in  popularity. 

The  amount  spent  for  luncheon  was  chiefly  25  cents,  45.3  per  cent, 
of  the  buyers  giving  this  as  the  price  actually  paid  for  a luncheon 
the  items  of  which  were  also  reported  (Table  18).  In  Restaurant  A, 
where  there  was  cafeteria  service,  lunches  were  the  least  expensive, 
and  were  purchased  at  15  and  20  cents,  but  in  Restaurants  B and  C, 
20  and  25  cents  were  the  prices  quoted,  and  attendance  was  more 
regular  in  these  two  because  the  food  was  liked.  The  prices  at  which 
the  kinds  of  food  were  offered  in  the  bills  of  fare  of  8 of  the  restau- 
rants patronized  by  the  women  interviewed  (Table  21)  are  interest- 
ing in  connection  with  the  make-up  of  the  typical  menu  and  the 
predominant  price  paid  for  it,  — 3 food  items  at  25  cents.  The 
beverage  and  dessert,  reported  oftenest,  were  5 cents  each,  and  the 
remaining  15  cents  was  spent  for  a hot  dish  or  a hot  dish  and  vege- 
table. Sandwiches  at  5 and  10  cents  each  w~ere  offered  frequently 
and  fruit  occasionally,  but  women  did  not  buy  them,  though  both 
were  characteristic  of  the  luncheon  brought  from  home.  All  the 
restaurants  offered  combinations  of  food  at  special  prices.  One  of 
them  offered  daily  5,  10,  15,  20,  25  and  35  cent  specials,  also  a num- 


46 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


ber  of  salad,  meat  and  vegetable  combinations  for  a quarter,  a lunch 
special  of  a sandwich,  cake,  ice  cream  and  coffee  for  a quarter,  and 
a dessert  special  of  ice  cream,  cake  and  beverage  for  15  cents.  The 
best  combination  for  a quarter  was  offered  at  the  most  popular 
restaurant,  and  consisted  of  meat,  potato,  a vegetable  and  any  5- 
cent  dessert.  A vegetable  dinner  was  offered  here  also  for  a quarter. 

Table  19.  — Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Food  appear  in  the  Lunch  Menus 
of  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Factories  and  Factory  Offices , who  bought 
Lunches  in  Commercial  Restaurants. 


Kinds  of  Food. 

Total  Times. 

Kinds  of  Food. 

Total  Times. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

AlHoods, 

307 1 

100.0 

Desserts, 

60 

19.5 

Cake, 

14 

- 

Pie, 

20 

- 

Soup, 

26 

8.4 

Ice  cream,  .... 

2 

- 

Doughnuts,  .... 

3 

- 

Hot  dishes, 

45 

14.7 

Coffee  jelly,  .... 

4 

- 

Meat, 

26 

- 

Puddings,  .... 

7 

- 

Spaghetti  or  macaroni, 

2 

- 

French  pastry, 

4 

- 

Fish, 

11 

- 

Apple  dumplings,  . 

3 

- 

Eggs, 

1 

- 

Eclairs, 

3 

- 

Cheese  and  macaroni, 

5 

- 

Fruit,  etc., 

10 

3.2 

Vegetables, 

50 

16.3 

Oranges, 

2 

- 

Potatoes, 

25 

- 

Apples, 

1 

- 

Peas, 

1 

- 

Bananas, 

1 

- 

Corn, 

3 

- 

Preserves,  .... 

1 

- 

Baked  beans,  .... 

1 

- 

Others, 

5 

- 

Asparagus,  .... 

4 

- 

Tomatoes,  .... 

5 

- 

Relishes 

2 

.7 

Beans 

2 

- 

Succotash,  .... 

2 

- 

Beverages, 

74 

24.1 

Cabbage, 

2 

- 

Tea, 

18 

- 

Others, 

5 

- 

Coffee, 

49 

- 

Milk, 

3 

- 

Salads, 

2 

.7 

Cocoa, 

4 

- 

Bread  and  butter, 

38 

12.4 

1 Number  of  schedules,  111;  number  of  kinds  of  food,  37;  average  number  of  food  items  per  menu,  2.6. 


Still  another  restaurant  offered  eggs  cooked  in  many  attractive 
combinations,  and  fruits,  cereals,  cheese  and  nuts  were  conspicuous 
on  the  bill  of  fare. 

The  price  paid  for  a luncheon  in  a commercial  restaurant  is  beyond 
the  means  of  the  average  factory  worker.  The  definite  sum  of  15 
cents  is  firmly  established  in  her  mind  as  an  allowance  for  the  noon 
meal.  If  she  has  attended  one  of  the  high  schools  of  the  city  she 
has  been  accustomed  to  pay  10  cents  for  a satisfactory  lunch,  and 
could  have  purchased  a substantial  meal  for  15  cents,  as  a recent 
investigation  of  the  school  lunch  system  has  shown.  When,  as  a 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


47 


working  girl,  she  contributes  her  pay  envelope  to  the  family  income 
she  receives  back  from  her  mother  each  day  25  cents  for  car  fare  and 
lunch.  If  her  sister  is  a salesgirl  in  a Boston  department  store  she 
probably  buys  her  luncheon  in  an  employees’  cafeteria  for  15  cents. 

Everywhere  in  the  popular  mind  15  cents  is  the  standard  allow- 
ance for  luncheon  for  a working  girl  or  woman.  Since  1911  the  cost' 
of  food  and  of  other  essentials  of  the  standard  of  living  has  been 
investigated  in  12  States  as  a basis  for  minimum  wage  legislation, 
and  in  2 of  these  separate  consideration  was  given  to  the  lunch 
problem.  Both  in  New  York,1  where  investigators  called  at  the 
homes  of  the  workers  for  information,  and  in  Ohio,2  where  the  cost 
of  luncheon  was  one  of  the  expenditures  entered  by  the  women  in 
account  books,  it  was  found  that  15  cents  was  the  amount  most  often 
quoted.  Estimates  of  social  workers  in  Boston3  have  also  placed 
the  standard  allowance  at  15  cents. 

The  results  of  the  present  investigation  indicate  that  office  workers 
and  others  in  responsible  positions  who  are  earning  as  much  as  S8  a 
week  on  time  work  are  the  only  ones  who  patronize  the  restaurants. 
They  form  but  one-fifth  of  the  entire  group  interviewed.  For  these 
the  commercial  restaurant  is  a convenient  resource,  but,  like  the  box 
lunch  and  the  fruit  vending,  it  does  not  offer  to  four-fifths  of  the 
factory  women  a satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem  of  securing  a 
luncheon  in  town  when  it  is  desirable  or  necessary  for  them  to  do  so. 

The  Luncheon  of  Women  in  Department  Stores. 

The  women  in  the  department  stores  of  Boston  have  a far  more 
normal  noon  hour,  and  they  are  surrounded  by  more  of  the  comforts 
and  amenities  of  life  than  are  the  women  working  in  factories  and 
factory  offices.  Instead  of  eating  in  workrooms  at  tables  or  ma- 
chines, where  their  lunches  are  frequently  in  contact  with  the  goods 
being  manufactured,  the  saleswomen  leave  their  counters  and  mer- 
chandise to  spend  an  hour  eating  and  resting  in  rooms  provided  for 
their  use.  All  of  the  department  stores  of  Boston  city  proper  have 
lunch  rooms  for  their  employees,  and  in  7 of  them  food  is  sold  on  the 
cafeteria  plan  at  cost  or  at  very  low  prices.  Four  other  department 

1 Fourth  Report  of  the  New  York  State  Factory  Investigating  Commission,  1915,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  512. 

2 Cost  of  Living  of  Working  Women  in  Ohio,  State  Department  of  Investigation  and  Statistics,  Report 
14,  1915. 

3 Report  of  Massachusetts  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards,  January,  1912,  p.  224. 


48 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


stores  have  rooms  where  lunches  brought  from  home  may  be  eaten, 
and  one  of  them  has  cooking  facilities  for  the  use  of  the  employees. 

The  employees’  cafeterias  of  the  large  department  stores  are 
located  high  up  in  the  store  buildings,  where  there  is  plenty  of  light 
and  air.  Most  of  the  rooms  have  hardwood  or  linoleum  floors,  white 
or  tinted  walls,  and  curtains  or  shades  at  the  windows.  Usually  the 
tables  are  bare,  but  white  linen  is  used  in  one  store,  oilcloth  covers 
in  another  and  white  vitrolite  slabs  in  another.  From  11  until  2 or 
3 o’clock  groups  of  employees  arrive  at  the  lunch  room  by  elevator, 


Table  20.  — Reasons  assigned  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Department 
Stores  in  Boston  for  buying  Lunches  in  Employees’  Cafeterias  rather  than 
bringing  them  from  Home. 


Reasons. 

Total 

Women. 

Cafe- 

teria 

A. 

Cafe- 

teria 

B. 

Cafe- 

teria 

C. 

Cafe- 

teria 

D. 

Cafe- 

teria 

E. 

Cafe- 

teria 

F. 

Lunch 

Room 

G. 1 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

All  reasons, 

1452 

100.0 

25 

25 

26 

25 

22 3 

12 3 

103 

Inconvenience  of  putting  up  lunch, 

48 

33.1 

8 

12 

10 

7 

7 

- 

4 

Just  as  cheap  to  buy  as  to  bring 
lunch. 

27 

18.6 

6 

3 

3 

4 

5 

3 

3 

The  quality  of  the  food  is  good, 

26 

18.0 

7 

4 

3 

4 

2 

4 

2 

Preference  for  variety  and  hot  foods, 

17 

11.7 

2 

2 

4 

3 

4 

2 

- 

Lunch  not  included  in  board,  . 

4 

2.8 

- 

■ - 

2 

1 

- 

1 

- 

Other  reasons,  .... 

3 

2.0 

- 

- 

2 

1 

- 

- 

- 

No  reasons  given,  .... 

20 

13.8 

1 

2 

4 

2 

5 

4 

2 

1 

1 Food  was  not  sold  in  this  lunch  room,  but  buyers  purchased  their  lunches  at  a commercial  lunch 
room  within  the  store. 

2 One  schedule  omitted  from  this  table  was  secured  in  a store  not  personally  visited. 

3 Twenty-five  schedules  from  each  store  were  secured,  except  26  in  C;  the  remainder  of  the  25  in  E,  F 
and  G brought  lunches  from  home. 

form  a “bread  line”  in  front  of  the  food  counter,  and  as  they  walk 
along,  study  the  menu  for  the  day,  posted  on  the  wall.  With  tray 
in  hand  they  receive  their  orders  promptly  from  the  servers,  pay  the 
cashier  as  they  leave  the  line,  take  silver,  glasses  and  paper  napkins, 
and  seat  themselves  at  the  tables  to  eat  and  converse. 

The  lunch  rooms  were  used  by  all  the  employees,  whether  they 
brought  their  lunches  from  home  or  purchased  them  at  the  lunch- 
room cafeteria.  Of  the  25  or  more  women  interviewed  in  each  of  the 
7 stores,  80  per  cent.  (Table  23)  bought  their  lunches.  Nearly  20 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


49 


(18.2)  per  cent,  brought  their  entire  luncheon  from  home  every  day, 
but  they  were  chiefly  employed  in  2 stores,  in  one  of  which  there  was 
no  cafeteria  equipment  and  in  the  other  there  were  complaints  of 
undercooked  food.  Only  two  women  in  the  department  stores  went 
home  to  dinner. 

The  reasons  given  for  buying  lunches  in  these  employees’  cafeterias 
rather  than  bringing  them  from  home  were  chiefly  tributes  to  the 
convenience  of  the  lunch  room  and  the  quality  and  inexpensiveness 
of  the  food.  One-third  (33.1  per  cent.)  of  the  group  said  that  it 
took  too  much  time  and  was  too  much  trouble  to  put  up  a lunch  in 
the  morning.  Nearly  one-fifth  (18.6  per  cent.)  said  it  was  just 
about  as  cheap  to  buy  a lunch  at  the  cafeteria  as  it  was  to  bring  it, 
and  about  a third  (29.7  per  cent.)  more  said  that  the  cafeteria  food 
was  good,  and  that  they  enjoyed  having  a change  from  the  home 
diet,  or  that  they  liked  something  hot  to  eat  and  drink  for  luncheon 
(Table  20). 

These  reasons  agree  with  those  given  by  factory  women  for  buying 
lunches  in  the  public  restaurants  as  to  the  greater  convenience  of 
doing  so  (25.9  per  cent.),  and  as  to  a preference  for  variety  and  hot 
food  (Table  9),  but  they  are  in  marked  contrast  to  the  reasons 
given  by  the  factory  women  who  brought  lunches  from  home  and 
ate  them  at  work  tables  or  machines.  These  said  chiefly  (27.8  per 
cent.)  that  they  preferred  home  food,  and  that  the  commercial 
lunches  were  too  expensive  to  buy  (Table  10),  whereas  women  who  ate 
lunches  at  employees’  cafeterias  said  they  liked  the  food,  and  that  it 
was  just  as  cheap  to  buy  a lunch  as  to  bring  one.  Only  6 of  the  181 
women  in  the  stores  said  that  it  cost  too  much  to  buy  a lunch  at  the 
cafeterias. 

COMPARISON  OF  THE  QUALITY  AND  PRICES  OF  FOOD  IN  RESTAU- 
RANTS and  Employees’  Cafeterias. 

The  superior  quality  and  the  low  prices  of  the  food,  according  to 
the  statements  of  the  women  themselves,  were  reasons  for  the  differ- 
ence in  patronage  of  the  commercial  restaurants  and  of  the  em- 
ployees’ cafeterias.  Managers  of  the  cafeterias  were  well  aware  of 
the  necessity  of  pleasing  the  workers  with  food  of  good  quality. 
“They  are  like  one  big  family,  and  they’d  go  somewhere  else  or  bring 
all  their  lunch  from  home  if  they  didn’t  like  the  food,”  said  one  man- 


50 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


ager.  Another  told  how  he  secured  canned  vegetables  by  contract 
from  the  producer,  and  paid  the  highest  prices  for  fresh  vegetables, 
meat  and  fish,  in  order  to  be  sure  of  getting  the  best  quality.  Then, 
too,  the  price  paid  for  a satisfactory  lunch  in  the  cafeterias  was  but 
15  cents,  whereas  it  was  25  cents  in  the  restaurants.  As  has  been 
shown,  15  cents  is  the  price  a working  woman  feels  she  can  afford  to 
pay  for  the  noon  meal. 

A comparison  of  the  prices  charged  per  serving  in  the  restaurants 
with  the  prices  charged  in  employees’  cafeterias  explains  why  it  is 
that  the  women  in  the  factories  and  factory  offices  paid  10  cents 
more  when  they  purchased  a luncheon  than  did  women  in  the  de- 
partment stores.  Printed  bills  of  fare  were  secured  from  8 of  the 
Boston  restaurants  patronized  by  the  factory  women,  from  6 of  the 
employees’  cafeterias  in  Boston  department  stores,  and  by  mail  from 
7 cafeterias  in  stores,  factories  and  offices  in  other  cities.  These 
21  restaurants  and  employees’  cafeterias  are  located  in  10  different 
cities,  — Boston,  Framingham,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Washington, 
Rochester,  Cleveland,  Toledo,  Buffalo  and  Indianapolis.  Even 
amounts  of  money,  as  5,  10,  15,  20,  25  cents,  etc.,  were  charged  for 
servings  in  commercial  restaurants,  but  in  the  employees’  cafeterias 
odd  amounts,  as  1,  2,  3,  4 and  5 cents  up  to  10  and  11  cents,  were 
charged.  The  range  in  prices  (Table  21)  in  the  restaurants  was  from 
5 to  35  cents,  whereas  in  the  cafeterias  it  was  from  1 to  20  cents. 
The  prices  most  often  charged  in  the  commercial  restaurants  were 
5,  10  and  15  cents,  but  those  in  the  cafeterias  were  3,  5 and  10  cents. 

The  principal  prices  for  the  kinds  of  food  group  by  group  also 
vary  considerably.  Hot  dishes  and  sandwiches  are  10  and  15  cents 
in  restaurants,  while  they  are  5 cents  in  cafeterias.  Vegetables  are 
5 and  10  cents  in  restaurants,  but  only  3 and  5 in  employees’  cafe- 
terias. Salads  are  10  to  30  cents  in  the  former,  but  only  5 and  10 
cents  in  the  latter.  Bread  and  butter  is  5 cents  and  2 cents.  Des- 
serts are  5 and  10  in  one,  whereas  they  are  but  5 in  the  other. 
Beverages  are  5 cents  in  restaurants  and  only  3 in  cafeterias.  Special 
combinations  of  food  for  a lunch  range  from  15  to  35  cents  in  the 
restaurants,  but  from  12  to  20  cents  in  the  cafeterias.  The  protein 
foods  are  10,  15,  25  and  30  cents  in  restaurants,  the  one  dish  alone 
costing  as  much  if  not  more  than  a working  girl  can  afford  to  pay 
for  her  entire  lunch.  In  cafeterias,  however,  salads  alone  of  the 
protein  group  are  as  much  as  10  cents,  while  for  15  cents  a working 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


51 


Table  21.  — Kinds  of  Food  and  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Eight  Com- 
mercial Restaurants  patronized  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Boston  as 
compared  with  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Thirteen  Employees’  Cafe- 
terias in  Ten  Cities. 


Eight  Commercial  Res- 
taurants in  Boston. 


Thirteen  Employees’  < 
Cafeterias  in  10  Cities. 


Kinds  of  Food. 


Predominant 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 


Lowest  and 
Highest 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 


Predominant 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 


Lowest  and 
Highest 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 


Hot  dishes:  — 

Soup, 

Stew, 

Chowder, 

Broth,  . 

Meat,  . 

Fish, 

Eggs, 

Cheese  and  macaroni, 


10 

20 

10 

10 

15 

10,  15,  20 
15,  25 
10 


5-15 

5-25 

5-15 

10-15 

15-35 

10-30- 

10-30 

10-15 


5 

8 

5 

5 

10 

5 

5 

5 


2-10 

5-12 

3- 12 
4-6 

4- 20 

5- 12 
5-12 

4-5 


Sandwiches:  — 
Meat, 

Fish, 

Salad  roll, 

Cheese  and  olive, 
Egg, 

Lettuce, 

Fruit  and  nut, 


10 
15 
5 
5 
10 
10 
5,  10 


5-35 

5-30 

5-20 

5-15 

10-25 

5-15 

5-10 


5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5 


5-8 

3-8 

5 

5 

5 

3-5 

5 


Vegetables:  — 
Potatoes, 
Baked  beans, 
Peas, 

Corn,  . 
Others,  . 


10 

10 

5 

5 

5 


5-10 

5-15 

5-10 

5-10 

5-10 


3 2-6 

5 3-6 

5 3-5 

5 3-5 

3 3 


Salads:  — 
Meat, 
Fish,  . 
Vegetable, 
Potato,  . 
Egg, 

Fruit,  . 


30 
30 
15 
10 
20 
15,  20 


15-30 

15-30 

5-20 

5-20 

15-25 

10-25 


10 
10 
5,  10 
10 
5,  10 
10 


5-20 

5-15 

4- 10 

5- 10 
5-10 
4-10 


Bread,  rolls,  etc., 


5,  10 


5-10 


1-5 


Butter, 


1 


Toast  or  crackers,  . 

Desserts:  — 

Cake,  . 

Pie, 

Ice  cream, 
Sundaes, 
Doughnuts,  . 

Jelly,  . 

Pudding, 

Baked  apple, 
Custards, 

Fruit:  — 

Oranges, 

Bananas, 

Preserves,  . ' . 

Relishes:  — 

Pickles, 

Others,  . 


5,  10 


5-15 


1 


5 

5 

10 

10 

5 

5 

5 

5 

5,  10 


5 

5-10 

5-15 

10 

5 

5-10 

5-10 

5-15 

5-10 


4 

5 
5 
5 

1,  2 
5 
5 
5 
5 


1-4 

4-5 

3-8 

5 

1-2 

3-6 

3-6 

3-5 

5 


5 

5 

5 


5 3 3-5 

5 2, 3 2-3 

5 5 3-5 


5 5 1 

5 5 1 


1 

1 


52 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Table  21.  — Kinds  of  Food  and  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Eight  Com- 
mercial Restaurants  patronized  by  Women  and  Girls  working  in  Boston  as 
compared  with  Prices  at  which  they  are  offered  in  Thirteen  Employees’  Cafe- 
terias in  Ten  Cities  — Con. 


Eight  Commercial  Res- 
taurants in  Boston. 

Thirteen  Employees’ 
Cafeterias  in  10  Cities. 

Kinds  of  Food. 

Predominant 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 

Lowest  and 
Highest 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 

Predominant 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 

Lowest  and 
Highest 
Prices  charged 
per  Serving 
(Cents). 

Beverages:  — 

Tea, 

5 

5 

3 

2-5 

Coffee, 

5 

5 

3 

2-5 

Milk, 

5 

5 

3 

1-5 

Cocoa, 

5 

5 

3 

3-5 

Sodas, 

5 

5-10 

5 

5 

Special  combination,  .... 

25 

15-35 

15 

12-20 

Box  lunch 

- 

- 

10 

10 

girl  can  buy  one  kind  of  protein  food,  a vegetable,  a dessert  and  a 
beverage.  This  is  the  same  lunch  for  which  she  pays  25  cents  in  the 
commercial  restaurants. 

It  might  be  thought  that  the  retail  prices  of  food  in  the  different 
cities  would  vary  according  to  the  cost  of  production  and  distribution. 
Such  was  not  the  case  on  the  bills  of  fare  described  above.  Appar- 
ently those  retail  prices  which  the  patron  will  pay  are  charged  both 
in  the  restaurants  and  employees’  cafeterias. 

Typical  bills  of  fare  from  3 employees’  cafeterias  in  Boston, 
Buffalo  and  Washington,  D.  C.,  follow:  — 


Fish  chowder,  . 

Sliced  tongue,  . 

Potato  salad,  . 

Broiled  sweet  potato, 

Butter  beans,  . 

Sliced  tomatoes, 

Sardine  sandwich,  . 

Bread  pudding  and  sauce, 

Rolls,  .... 

Butter, 1 


Cents. 

Crackers,  3 for  ....  1 

Cookies,  2 for 1 

Cake, 3 

Pie, 4 

Tea, 2 

Coffee, 3 

Cocoa, 3 

Milk, 3 

Candy, 1 

Crullers, 2 


Boston. 

Cents. 

. 12 
10 
5 
5 
5 
5 

5 

6 
1 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


53 


Washington. 


Cents. 

Vegetable  soup,  ....  5 

Roast  beef,  mashed  potatoes, 
bread  and  butter,  coffee  or  tea 

or  milk, 15 

Frankfurters  and  potato  salad,  . 10 


Cents. 


Egg  salad,  rolls  and  butter,  . . 10 

Mashed  potatoes,  ....  3 

Stewed  tomatoes,  ....  3 

Spaghetti, 3 

Ice  cream, 5 


Buffalo. 


Cents. 

Beef  croquette,  tomato  sauce, 
scalloped  potatoes,  bread  or 
rolls,  coffee  or  tea  or  cocoa  or 
milk,  pudding  or  pie  or  ice 


cream, 20 

Clam  chowder,  ....  3 

Swiss  steak,  gravy,  . . .12 

Cheese  souffle,  ....  5 

Beef  croquette,  tomato  sauce,  . 10 

Codfish  cake, 5 

Baked  beans, 3 

Scalloped  potatoes,  ...  3 

Steamed  squash,  ....  4 

Wax  beans, 3 

Baking  powder  biscuit,  ...  1 


Cents. 


White  bread, 2 

Butter, 1 

Rye  bread, 2 

Graham  bread,  ....  2 

Grapefruit  salad,  ....  10 

Compote  of  rice  with  peaches,  . 3 

Pineapple  pie, 4 

Stewed  prunes,  ....  3 

Vanilla  ice  cream,  ....  3 

Walnut  sundae,  ....  6 

Coffee, 3 

Tea,  green  or  black,  with  lemon  or 
milk,  per  cup,  ....  3 

Cocoa,  whipped  cream,  ...  3 

Milk, 3 


Consideration  should  be  given  to  the  fact  that  the  public  restau- 
rant exists  as  an  investment  for  business  profit,  whereas  the  cafeteria 
in  department  stores  is  established  to  contribute  to  the  efficiency 
and  health  of  the  employees.  One  is  commercial,  the  other  is  sub- 
sidized; one  expects  to  make  as  much  or  more  profit  than  the  money 
could  earn  at  interest  in  the  bank,  the  other  expects  to  cover  merely 
the  expense  of  food  and  labor  and  to  pay  little  or  nothing  of  the  cost 
of  rent,  light,  heat  and  upkeep.  Women  working  in  large  groups  in 
factories  and  stores  willingly  wait  on  themselves,  knowing  that  this 
reduces  the  expense  of  the  daily  meal.  In  some  cafeterias  they  also 
return  the  trays  and  dishes  to  a counter  or  dish  carriage,  thus  saving 
the  cost  of  labor  in  clearing  away.  In  other  places  where  both  self 
service  and  table  service  are  used  an  extra  charge  of  5 cents  is  made 
for  the  latter. 

A number  of  dairy  lunches,  lunch  counters,  “ one-arm”  1 places 


1 Restaurants  providing  chairs  with  wide  arms  rather  than  tables  or  counters. 


54 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


and  commercial  cafeterias  are  to  be  found  in  Boston,  but  even  in 
these  prices  are  higher  than  a working  woman  can  pay  regularly  for 
a satisfactory  meal  at  noon.  Managers  of  two  of  the  commercial 
cafeterias  have  calculated  the  average  price  paid  by  women  in  these 
places  to  be  18  cents.  Their  patrons,  however,  include  shoppers  as 
well  as  working  women,  and  the  fact  that  the  price  quoted  is  an 
average  shows  that  the  actual  cost  of  some  of  the  lunches  ranged 
above  as  well  as  below  the  18  cents,  and  while  this  is  undoubtedly 
lower  than  the  restaurant  average  it  is  still  beyond  the  price  of 
15  cents  to  which  the  working  woman  tries  to  limit  herself,  and  the 
fact  remains  that  any  commercial  lunch  room  cannot  be  regularly 
patronized  by  women  who  are  earning  low  wages. 

Composition  of  the  Lunches  in  the  Department  Stores. 

Women  working  in  department  stores  had,  on  the  whole,  a more 
satisfactory  luncheon  than  did  women  in  the  factories.  The  average 
number  of  items  per  menu  was  4.3,  as  compared  with  3.6  in  the 
factories  and  2.6  in  the  commercial  restaurants  (Tables  16,  19  and 
22),  and  the  list  of  foods  was  longer  than  either  by  7 items.  About 
50  (53.6)  per  cent,  of  those  who  bought  lunches  purchased  the 
entire  luncheon,  and  46.5  per  cent,  bought  something  every  day 
(Table  23). 

A typical  menu  purchased  entirely  in  a cafeteria  consisted  of  a 
hot  dish,  bread  and  butter,  dessert  and  a beverage.  The  principal 
hot  dish  chosen  was  meat,  and  it  was  often  though  not  always 
accompanied  by  baked  potatoes;  pie  and  cake  were  chosen  about 
equally  for  desserts;  and  tea  and  coffee  were  reported  twice  as  often 
as  meat,  and  just  as  often  as  all  the  hot  dishes  together.  These  hot 
beverages  were  chosen  equally  in  the  cafeterias,  whereas  coffee  was 
found  to  be  the  favorite  in  the  restaurants  and  tea  in  the  factories. 
Sandwiches  were  not  purchased  at  all  in  either  place,  but  bread  and 
butter  and  desserts  were  purchased  more  than  they  were  brought 
from  home. 

Women  in  department  stores  ate  their  noon  meal  in  the  employ ees’ 
lunch  room,  but  they  were  not  obliged  to  purchase  their  food  there; 
20  per  cent,  of  those  interviewed  brought  their  entire  lunch  from 
home,  and  nearly  30  (27.1)  per  cent,  brought  the  regulation  lunch  of 
sandwiches,  bread  and  butter,  fruit  and  dessert,  and  supplemented 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON 


55 


Table  22.  — Number  of  Times  the  Kinds  of  Food  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of 
Women  and  Girls  in  Department  Stores , classified  according  to  Method  of 
obtaining  Food . 


Kinds  of  Food. 

Total  Times 
Kinds  of  Food  appear 
in  Lunch  Menus. 

Number  of  Times 
Kinds  of  Food  were  re- 
ported in  Lunch  Menus 
by  Women  who  — 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Bought  it  in 
Employees’ 
Cafeterias. 

Brought  it 
from  Home. 

All  foods, 

1,264 1 

100.0 

725 

539 

Soup, 

34 

2.7 

24 

10 

Hot  dish, . 

111 

8.8 

111 

_ 

Meat,  . 

56 

- 

56 

_ 

Fish,  . 

24 

- 

24 

_ 

Eggs,  . 

1 

- 

1 

- 

Macaroni  and  cheese, 

30 

- 

30 

- 

Sandwiches, 

144 

11.4 

_ 

144 

Meat,  . 

73 

- 

— 

73 

Fish,  . 

17 

- 

- 

17 

Egg, 

3 

- 

- 

3 

Cheese,  . 

19 

- 

- 

19 

Jelly  or  jam, 

20 

- 

- 

20 

Nut  and  sugar, 

4 

— 

- 

4 

Peanut  butter, 

6 

- 

- 

6 

Others,  . 

2 

- 

- 

2 

Vegetables, 

113 

9.0 

98 

15 

Potatoes, 

66 

- 

55 

11 

Peas, 

12 

- 

12 

_ 

Corn,  . 

8 

- 

8 

- 

Lettuce, 

8 

- 

8 

_ 

Baked  beans, 

5 

- 

4 

1 

Others,  . 

14 

- 

11 

3 

Salads, 

16 

1.3 

13 

3 

Bread  and  butter,  . 

240 

19.0 

138 

102 

Desserts,  . 

287 

22.7 

167 

120 

Cake, 

126 

- 

50 

76 

Pie, 

76 

- 

57 

19 

Ice  cream, 

29 

- 

29 

_ 

Doughnuts,  . 

15 

- 

7 

8 

Cheese,  . 

8 

- 

7 

1 

Coffee  jelly,  . 

10 

- 

8 

2 

Puddings, 

10 

- 

7 

3 

Cookies, 

10 

- 

1 

9 

French  pastry, 

3 

- 

1 

2 

Fruit,  candy,  etc.,  . 

133 

10.5 

41 

92 

Oranges, 

62 

- 

15 

47 

Apples,  . 

37 

- 

10 

27 

Bananas, 

17 

- 

5 

12 

Preserves, 

9 

- 

7 

2 

Chocolates,  . 

5 

- 

3 

2 

Pop  corn, 

3 

- 

1 

2 

Relishes,  . 

11 

.8 

5 

6 

Beverages, 

175 

13.8 

128 

47 

Tea, 

89 

- 

56 

33 

Coffee,  . 

60 

- 

54 

6 

Milk,  . 

15 

- 

14 

1 

Cocoa,  . 

9 

- 

2 

7 

Sodas,  . 

2 

— 

2 

- 

1 Number  of  schedules  for  above  information,  179,  which  excludes  two  who  go  home  to  dinner;  number 
of  menus,  298.  Buyers  numbered  146  and  had  226  menus;  bringers  numbered  107  and  had  158  menus. 
The  average  number  of  items  per  menu  was  4.3.  Seventy-four  schedules  are  repeated,  since  food  was 
both  bought  and  brought. 


56 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


s 

•<S> 


co 

I 

s 

8 

C3i 

8 


^3 


<4i 

.e 

I 

a: 


Sewing  and  alteration. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


57 


them  with  a vegetable,  dessert  or  beverage  purchased  in  the  cafeteria 
(Table  23).  Thus  they  could  procure  a heartier  meal  and  spend  but 
5 or  10  cents  daily.  This  percentage,  though  based  on  small  num- 
bers, was  approximately  true  in  each  of  the  stores.  Meat  and  cheese 


Table  24.  — Number  of  Times  Certain  Foods  appear  in  Lunch  Menus  of  Women 
and  Girls  in  Department  Stores  who  brought  Lunches  from  Home  and  sup- 
plemented them  by  Food  purchased  in  Employees'  Cafeterias. 1 


Kinds  of  Food  brought 
from  Home. 

Times  the 
Kind  of  Food 

APPEARED  IN 

Lunch  Menus. 

Kinds  of  Food  bought 

TO  SUPPLEMENT  — 

Times  the 
Kind  of  Food 

APPEARED  IN 

Lunch  Menus. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

All  foods, 

240 

100.0 

All  foods 

110 

100.0 

Sandwiches, 

77 

32.1 

Hot  dishes, 

12 

11.0 

Meat, 

42 

- 

Soup  or  chowder, 

1 

Fish, 

7 

- 

Meat, 

4 

_ 

Egg, 

2 

- 

Fish, 

2 

_ 

Cheese, 

11 

- 

Cheese  and  macaroni, 

5 

_ 

Jelly  or  jam,  .... 

9 

- 

Peanut  butter, 

4 

- 

Vegetables, 

16 

14.5 

Others, 

2 

- 

Potatoes 

9 

Peas, 

1 

_ 

Vegetables, 

2 

.9 

Corn,  

1 

_ 

Baked  beans,  .... 

3 

_ 

Salads, 

1 

.4 

Rice, 

2 

- 

Bread  and  butter, 

64 

26.6 

Salads, 

7 

6.4 

Desserts, 

39 

16.2 

Bread  and  butter, 

3 

2.7 

Cake, 

28 

- 

Pie, 

2 

- 

Desserts, 

24 

21.8 

Doughnuts,  .... 

1 

- 

Cake, 

6 

Cheese, 

1 

- 

Pie 

8 

_ 

Cookies, 

7 

- 

Ice  cream,  .... 

7 

_ 

Doughnuts,  .... 

1 

_ 

Fruit,  candy,  nuts,  etc., 

47 

19.6 

Cookies, 

1 

_ 

Oranges, 

23 

- 

Puddings,  .... 

1 

- 

Apples, 

13 

- 

Bananas 

6 

- 

Relishes 

2 

1.8 

Preserves,  .... 

1 

- 

Chocolates,  .... 

2 

- 

Beverages, 

46 

41.8 

Popcorn  and  nuts,  . 

2 

- 

Tea, 

14 

Coffee, 

28 

_ 

Relishes, 

1 

.4 

Milk, 

3 

_ 

Cocoa, 

1 

_ 

Beverages, 

9 

3.8 

Tea,  ....  4 . 

7 

- 

Milk,  * 

1 

Cocoa,  . . .1 

1 

“ 

1 Number  of  schedules,  49;  of  menus,  86. 


sandwiches,  bread  and  butter,  cake,  oranges  and  apples  held  their 
own  in  the  lunch  brought  from  home  (Table  22),  just  as  they  did  in 
the  factories,  but  not  so  many  fish  and  egg  sandwiches  were  brought, 
partly  because  there  were  fewer  foreigners,  and  partly  because  these 
foods  taste  better  when  freshly  prepared.  The  foods  purchased  as 


58 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


supplementary  to  those  brought  from  home  were  chiefly  coffee,  tea, 
meat  or  fish,  cheese  and  macaroni,  salad,  potatoes,  pie,  cake  and 
ice  cream.  Those  who  brought  tea  to  the  cafeterias  had  the  use  of 
cooking  facilities  or  hot  water,  as  was  the  case  in  the  factories. 
Whenever  the  women  are  allowed  to  make  it  for  themselves,  tea  is 
undoubtedly  the  favorite  beverage  for  the  noon  meal. 

General  Survey  of  Employees’  Cafeterias. 

A comparison  of  the  public  restaurant  and  employees’  cafeterias 
in  the  department  stores  shows  that  the  cafeteria  is  a means  of 
supplying  working  women  with  food  and  relaxation  which  is  satis- 
factory both  to  the  employers  and  to  the  employees.  Managers 
in  the  factories  were  interested  in  the  problem  of  getting  a hot 
lunch  served  to  their  employees,  and  often  requested  criticism  of  the 
lunch  conditions  and  suggestions  for  changes.  It  seemed  desirable 
to  ascertain  how  extensively  the  employees’  cafeterias  had  been 
established  in  other  cities,  and  to  secure  information  as  to  their 
equipment,  management  and  cost  of  operation.  With  the  co-operation 
of  various  organizations  and  individuals,  a list  of  firms  was  com- 
piled which  were  known  to  have  established  employees’  cafeterias 
for  women,  and  a questionnaire  was  sent  to  each  firm.  Information 
was  also  sought  by  personal  visit  to  the  7 Boston  stores  that  had 
the  cafeterias.  Twenty  of  the  larger  mercantile  establishments  in 
10  different  cities,  32  factories  located  in  24  different  cities,  and  9 
public  utilities,  publishing  firms  and  educational  organizations  in  5 
cities  are  included,  making  a total  of  61  firms  in  30  different  cities, 
from  Boston  to  San  Francisco  and  from  Chicago  to  Louisville  and 
Washington,  D.  C.  It  is  not  claimed  that  the  list  is  complete,  but 
that  it  shows  how  widely  this  form  of  industrial  betterment  has 
been  adopted  as  an  essential  of  good  business  organization,  and  how 
many  important  and  well-known  firms  are  advocates  of  the  em- 
ployees’ cafeteria.  More  than  half  (33)  of  the  firms  responded  with 
information,  descriptive  booklets  and  letters.  An  examination  of 
the  data  collected  indicates  that  the  employees’  cafeteria  is  probably 
the  chief  and  usually  the  first  form  of  industrial  betterment  work 
undertaken  in  stores,  factories  and  offices  throughout  the  country. 

In  the  large  establishments  employing  from  60  to  2,000  or  more 
women  the  relations  between  the  employer  and  the  employee  usually 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


59 


are  controlled  by  a service  or  welfare  department,  with  a secretary,  a 
director,  a manager  or  a superintendent  at  its  head.  The  em- 
ployees’ lunch  room  may  be  directly  in  charge  of  one  of  these  man- 
agers in  the  service  department,  or  of  a matron  who  attends  to  the 
preparation  and  serving  of  the  food  and  the  care  of  the  lunch  room, 
while  the  superintendent  himself  devotes  his  time  to  the  buying  and 
equipment  and  to  other  activities  connected  with  the  accommoda- 
tion and  comfort  and  industrial  relations  of  the  employees.  Man- 
agement of  this  type  is  paternalistic  in  character,  since  the  firm 
provides  it  as  a wise  and  humane  business  policy,  but  retains  entire 
control  of  its  operation.  This  type  prevails  in  26  of  these  33  estab- 
lishments, 9 of  which  have  managers  of  service  departments,  21  have 
matrons,  one  a nurse  and  another  a dietitian  in  charge.  One  lunch 
club  is  operated  by  its  own  lunch  committee. 

An  interesting  example  of  the  paternalistic  type  of  lunch  room 
occurs  in  a firm  that  provides  free  of  charge  a regular  dinner  at  noon 
for  its  women  employees.  The  meal  is  prepared  by  the  women 
themselves  in  a well-equipped  kitchen  under  the  direction  of  a 
domestic  science  teacher,  apparently  to  the  pride  and  satisfaction  of 
all  concerned.  “We  have  emphasized  the  home  idea,  and  the  girls 
are  like  a happy  family.  Their  health  has  improved;  besides,  they 
all  learn  to  cook  and  become  good  housekeepers,”  wrote  the  welfare 
secretary. 

Four  of  the  firms  reporting  through  the  questionnaire  have  “house 
committees”  consisting  of  3 to  6 members  representing  both  the 
employers  and  the  employees.  Three  others  have  employees’  asso- 
ciations with  lunch  room  committees  that  are  either  advisory  or  au- 
thoritative on  questions  of  management.  This  type  may  be  termed 
co-operative  in  contrast  to  paternalistic,  and  the  trend  of  industrial 
relations  to-day  shows  that  the  future  is  with  the  co-operative  form 
of  control.  One  of  the  directors  wrote,  “It  is  imperative  that  a 
committee  of  employees  be  given  the  management,  because  they  are 
very  efficient  in  keeping  tabs  on  the  gustatory  pulse  of  the  store, 
and  their  advice  is  valuable.” 

One  establishment  of  the  co-operative  type  has  an  employees’  as- 
sociation for  which  no  dues  are  charged,  and  in  which  every  em- 
ployee has  some  voice  in  the  administration  and  control  of  working 
conditions.  An  executive  committee  is  elected  with  general  powers, 
and  the  manager  of  the  lunch  room  is  a professional  restaurateur  who 
enforces  the  rules  of  the  association. 


60 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


The  question  as  to  whether  the  lunch  rooms  were  patronized  by 
men  as  well  as  by  women,  and  by  office  workers  as  well  as  other 
employees  of  the  firm,  had  emphatic  replies  from  a number  of 
sources.  Twenty-two,  or  two-thirds  of  the  replies,  stated  that  men 
and  women  ate  together,  and  in  30  of  the  cafeterias  office  workers 
ate  with  the  saleswomen  and  general  helpers.  In  one  of  the  Boston 
firms  the  fireman,  the  elevator  man,  the  bundle  girl,  the  buyer,  the 
owner  and  the  saleswomen  ate  in  the  same  room,  and  very  likely  at 
the  same  tables.  Eleven  of  the  firms  made  additional  provision  for 
the  comfort  of  the  men  employees  who  wished  to  smoke  after  their 
luncheon,  and  one  firm  found  it  possible  to  allow  smoking  in  one  end 
of  the  lunch  room  itself,  for  the  ventilation  and  size  of  the  room  were 
such  that  there  could  be  no  annoyance  to  any  one. 

Equipment  of  Lunch,  Rest  and  Recreation  Rooms. 

The  amount  of  space  that  can  be  devoted  to  the  use  of  the  em- 
ployees, and  the  equipment  of  the  rooms  for  lunch,  rest  and  recrea- 
tion purposes,  have  been  very  carefully  studied  1 and  standardized 
by  one  of  the  firms,  and  plans  of  the  general  layout,  arrangement 
and  cost  of  the  equipment  were  sent  in  reply  to  the  questionnaire. 
The  per  capita  service  area  was  19.2  square  feet,  and  the  whole 
service  department  area,  providing  for  lunch,  rest  and  recreation 
space,  occupied  6.4  per  cent,  of  a building  for  300  employees. 

Only  one  firm  reported  that  no  space  was  devoted  to  rest  and 
recreation  rooms.  Five  reported  rest  and  recreation  rooms  separate 
from  the  lunch  room,  but  27  had  the  recreation  room  combined  with 
it.  Chairs  and  tables  are  moved  back  when  the  employees  use  the 
room  for  parties  and  meetings.  Pianos  were  reported  in  13  of  these 
combination  lunch  and  recreation  rooms,  and  pianolas  or  grapho- 
phones  in  4 others.  Reading  matter  was  supplied  for  those  who 
wished,  — newspapers  in  15  firms,  magazines  in  20,  a permanent 
library  in  13,  and  a station  of  the  city  public  library  in  13.  Other 
attractive  features  mentioned  in  the  replies  were  easy  chairs,  rocking 
chairs  and  steamer  chairs,  lounges,  card  tables,  writing  tables,  desks, 
telephone  booth,  bulletin  board,  hanging  baskets  and  window  boxes. 
Items  of  equipment  for  the  cafeteria  service  reported  by  the  33  firms 
included  a counter  and  railing,  with  shelf  storage  for  dishes,  a steam 

1 Equipment  for  a Factory  Service  Department,  General  Service  Department,  National  Lamp  Works 
of  the  General  Electric  Company,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 


Table  25.  — Patronage , Predominant  Price  paid  for  Lunches , Cost  of  Food  and  Labor  per  Week , and  Approximate  Expenditure 
Week  in  Employees'  Cafeterias  in  Twenty-five  Factories , Stores  and  Offices  in  Sixteen  Cities. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


61 


Approxi- 
mate 
Expendi- 
ture per 
Capita 
per 
Meal. 

o o m oo  os  oo  t—  co  (M  oo  m 

_ ^ i o | ^ t ( o ! ( O ” i-l  ! « Mono  ! ! H 

8 

Approxi- 
mate 
Number 
of  Meals 
served  to 
Women 
per  Week. 

77,208 

1,200 

1,800 

3,600 

4,200 

798 

1,080 

3.000 
4,200 

9.000 

360 

2.400 

3.000 

8.400 

180 

450 

540 

3,000 

3.000 

6.000 

10,800 

Expenditure  per  Week  for  — 

labor. 

Per  Cent. 

— h | -h o o oo  ( co  ( | oo o o o m in  ( nnnoooo  ( cs 

O ^ (Mio  !>•  CM  OO  O *0  CM  ^ X) 

CM  CO  CM  CM  CO  CM  CM  CM  CO  v-i  NHNHCCO 

o o 
do 

CM  CM 

Amount. 

$1,628  85 

62  00 
113  00 
274  00 

7 00 

115  00 

9 50 
: 

47  25 

48  00 
225  00 

99  90 
21  00 
55  00 
150  00 
176  20 
80  00 

146  00 

FOOD. 

Per  Cent. 

79.9 

65.9 

78.0 

55.0 

92.2 
100.0 

77.7 

61.2 
75.0-80.0 
75.0-80.0 

78.0 

62.5 

85.5 

_ 

72.3 

85.8 

70.3 
84.2 

65.4 

91.1 

Amount. 

$6,163  92 

120  00 
400  00 
335  00 

83  13 
90  00 
400  00 

15  00 

167  34 
80  00 
1,322  00 

261  25 
127  00 
130  00 
800  00 
333  20 

1,500  00 

Total 
Amount 
for  Food 
and 
Labor. 

$7,792  77 

182  00 
513  00 
609  00 

90  13 
90  00 
515  00 

24  50 

214  59 
128  00 
1,547  00 

361  15 
148  00 
185  00 
950  00 
509  40 
80  00 

1,646  00 

Predominant 
Price  paid  for 
Lunch  by  — 

Men. 

$0  15-0  20 

20 

21 

15 

25 

15 

15 

15 

21 

20 

20 

25 

13 

17 

20 

11 

Women. 

to  OtO^OOOOtO  totocooio  O OO^COIO  o 

? ' 

o 

8 

Women  Em- 
ployees Patrons 
of  Cafeterias. 

a 

0> 

O 

£ 

oo  oo©o— it>»oco®o  oooooo  ooomoooooo 

o oidooooNOndd  oooooo  dddoddodd 

in  inN®NooMin<OMn  o <m  -re  ■<*<  «>.  -foc^in-ft-omo 

Number. 

12,868 

200 

300 

600 

700 

133 

180 

300 

500 

700 

1,500 

60 

100 

400 

400 

500 

1,400 

30 

75 

90 

500 

500 

1,000 

400 

500 

1,800 

Number 
of  Women 
Em- 
ployees. 

24,368 

2,000 

400 

612 

1,000 

172 

600 

650 

789 

1,000 

3.000 

60 

500 

1.000 
1,000 
1,100 
2,000 

70 

125 

340 

1,000 

1,250 

1,300 

400 

1,000 

3,000 

Employees’  Cafeterias. 

All  cafeterias,2 

Operated  at  cost:  — 

Factory  A 

Factory  B,  . 

Factory  C 

Office  A,  ...  . 

Store  A 

Store  B, 

Store  C, 

Store  D, 

Store  E, 

Store  F 

Operated  at  a profit:  — 

Office  B 

Store  G, 

Store  H, 

Store  I,  .... 

Store  J, 

Store  K, 

Operated  at  a loss:  — 

Factory  D,  . 

Factory  E,  . 

Factory  F,  . 

Factory  G 

Factory  H,  . 

Office  C, 

Store  L, 

Store  M 

Store  N, 

§•9 

"3  *3 


a 5 


a 

O -T3 
£ » 
O 2 

Ja  > 
& 2 
O » 
2 8 


si 
^ -s 

CX3  O 
n 


percentage  of  patronage  was  100. 

3 Questionnaire  obviously  misinterpreted. 


62 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


table  for  the  service  of  hot  dishes  and  urns  for  the  service  of  bever- 
ages, a cash  register,  dish  carriage  and  garbage  cans.  The  tables 
could  be  used  by  four  to  six  persons,  and  were  oblong  or  round, 
folding  or  permanent,  with  bare,  polished  or  white  tops.  The  cook- 
ing equipment  included  a range,  a ventilating  hood  and  pipe,  a sink 
trough,  cold  storage  for  barrel  and  canned  goods,  and  tables  for  use 
in  the  preparation  of  foods  for  cooking.  The  kitchens  were  rooms 
behind  the  cafeteria  counters  and  service  areas,  and  were  separated 
from  them  by  partitions  with  sliding  doors  through  which  food  could 
be  delivered  to  the  servers  by  the  cooks.1 

Patronage,  Predominant  Price  and  Expenditures. 

Twenty-five  of  the  questionnaires  that  were  returned  by  33  of  the 
listed  firms  were  complete  enough  for  tabulation  as  to  the  extent  of 
patronage,  the  predominant  price  paid  by  men  and  women,  and  the 
expenditure  per  week  for  food  and  labor.  The  8 factories,  3 offices 
and  14  department  stores  which  supplied  this  information  were 
grouped  according  to  whether  the  lunch  room  was  reported  as 
operated  at  cost,  at  a profit  or  at  a loss  (Table  25).  The  data  given 
are  not  strictly  accurate,  as  the  answers  to  the  questions  in  some 
cases  were  carefully  calculated  and  in  others  were  estimated  in 
round  numbers.  The  statistics  given-  include  those  from  department 
stores  in  Boston  where  individual  schedules  of  workers  were  secured. 
A total  of  24,000  employees  is  represented  in  these  25  firms,  10  of 
which  reported  lunch  rooms  operated  at  cost,  6 at  a profit  and  9 at  a 
loss. 

The  extent  of  patronage  in  these  employees’  cafeterias  is  reckoned 
on  the  number  of  possible  patrons,  excluding  those  wdio  go  home  to 
dinner.  Using  these  22,637  possible  patrons  as  the  base,  it  was 
found  that  the  average  percentage  of  patronage  was  56.8.  This  is 
in  agreement  with  the  percentages  determined  from  the  individual 
schedules  in  Boston  department  stores.  It  is  therefore  approximately 
correct  to  say  that  20  per  cent,  of  the  employees  will  bring  a lunch 
from  home,  and  that  from  50  to  60  per  cent,  can  be  counted  upon  for 
daily  patronage. 

1 The  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  has  announced  a projected  bulletin  to  be  called  A 
Handbook  on  Welfare  Work.  Plans  and  specifications  and  descriptions  of  the  various  welfare  activities 
throughout  the  country  are  to  appear,  and  will  include  “anything  over  and  above  wages  which  an  employer 
does  for  the  employees’  comfort  or  improvement,  whether  social  or  intellectual,  which  is  not  required  by 
law  or  by  the  necessity  of  the  industry.”  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  Monthly  Review, 
July,  1916,  p.  IS. 


THE  NOON  LUNCHEON. 


63 


Wide  variations  from  this  percentage  are  explained  by  differences 
in  the  prices  and  quality  of  food  and  the  extent  to  which  the  em- 
ployees participate  in  the  management  of  the  lunch  room.  The 
lowest  percentage  for  any  establishment  (20)  was  given  by  a Boston 
firm  where  individuals  said  that  the  food  was  undercooked.  The  next 
lowest  percentage  (26.5)  coincides  with  higher  predominant  prices,. 
20  and  25  cents  being  paid  for  a luncheon  rather  than  15  cents.  The 
predominant  range  in  price  paid  by  women  in  the  25  cafeterias  is 
from  10  to  15  cents,  and  by  men,  15  to  20  cents.  That  paid  by 
women  agrees  with  what  the  women  themselves  reported  in  the 
Boston  stores  and  with  the  results  of  studies  in  New  York  and 
Ohio.  In  Store  L,  which  had  100  per  cent,  patronage,  the  good 
quality  of  the  food  was  the  particular  concern  of  the  Boston  manager. 
Office  B,  also  showing  100  per  cent. 'in  patronage,  was  a lunch  club, 
the  management  of  which  was  completely  in  the  hands  of  the  mem- 
bers. Store  A and  Factory  C are  well  known  for  the  quality  of  food 
and  of  goods  produced,  and  are  found  with  98  and  80  per  cent,  of 
patronage.  Five  firms  that  gave  partial  information  could  not  be 
tabulated  with  the  rest,  but  they  reported  meals  served  free  of 
charge  and  100  per  cent,  of  patronage. 

Information  was  sought  as  to  the  expenditure  per  week  for  raw 
materials,  labor  and  the  various  items  of  overhead  expense.  The 
costs  of  raw  materials  and  of  labor  were  given  by  practically  all  the 
firms.  Many  of  them  explained  that  they  did  not  separate  the  items 
for  overhead  expenses,  or  that  these  items  were  confused  with  other 
office  expenditures  or  charged  up  to  profit  and  loss.  One  firm  gave 
the  proportionate  expenditure  for  the  items  of  food  and  labor  rather 
than  the  money  cost,  and  these  figures  appear  twice  because  the 
lunch  room  manager  catered  for  two  of  the  stores.  The  total  cost  of 
raw  materials  and  preparation  was  divided  between  80  (79.9)  per  cent, 
for  raw  materials  and  20  (20.1)  per  cent,  for  the  labor  of  preparation 
and  of  counter  service.  In  other  words,  food  cost  four  times  what 
labor  cost,  and  the  large  number  of  weekly  patrons  (77,000)  reduced 
the  per  capita  cost  to  10  cents  per  meal. 

Managers  of  the  employees’  cafeterias  reported  them  as  run  “at 
cost,”  “at  a profit”  or  “at  a loss,”  but  not  more  than  one  of  them 
reported  expenditures  for  overhead  items,  — rent,  light,  heat,  fuel 
and  upkeep.  Such  cafeterias  do  not,  literally  speaking,  cover  all  ex- 
penses, as  every  expense  which  a commercial  lunch  room  meets  must 


64 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


be  apportioned  and  paid  by  the  employees’  cafeteria  before  it  can 
truly  be  said  to  be  operated  at  cost  or  at  a profit.  The  overhead 
charges  usually  represent  the  amount  of  money  which  an  employer 
is  willing  to  invest  in  order  to  make  employment  in  his  establish- 
ment attractive  to  the  employees,  and  in  order  to  promote  their 
health  and  business  efficiency.  Such  an  investment  by  the  employer 
subsidizes  the  lunch  room,  and  the  degree  of  subsidy  varies  greatly 
in  the  various  stores,  factories  and  offices.  Where  meals  are  pro- 
vided free,  the  subsidy  is  100  per  cent.,  and  the  management  bears 
a burden  that  borders  upon  charity.  Three  of  the  33  reporting  firms 
gave  amounts  for  rent  varying  from  $5  to  $25,  3 reported  bills  for 
light  from  $1  to  $10,  1 separated  the  item  of  heat  for  $3.60,  6 gave 
amounts  for  fuel  between  $3  and  $60,  and  4 allowed  $2  to  $52  per 
week  for  upkeep. 

Evidently  employers  1 are  bidding  high  for  labor  and  efficiency, 
and  are  finding  it  profitable  to  enlist  the  health  and  good  will  of  the 
employee  in  behalf  of  the  firm.  “It  is  a good  business  policy,” 
writes  one  manager,  “ to  establish  lunch  rooms.”  “ The  best  invest- 
ment the  company  ever  made,”  writes  another.  “We  are  of  the 
opinion  that  the  provision  of  lunch  facilities  is  the  only  right  thing 
to  do,”  comes  from  the  Pacific  coast,  and  “That  it  is  wise  from  a 
business  as  well  as  an  economic  viewpoint  is  no  longer  questioned  by 
those  who  have  the  welfare  of  their  employees  at  heart,”  is  the 
verdict  from  an  Atlantic  metropolis. 

1 “Owners  of  the  larger,  and  the  more  progressive  owners  of  the  smaller,  establishments  recognize  the 
fact  that  their  interests  are  identical  with  those  of  their  employees  from  a purely  economic  standpoint. 
These  employers  recognize  that  money  invested  for  the  maintenance  of  sanitary  and  healthful  conditions 
in  their  establishments  is  a profitable  investment.  . . . They  realize  that  good  working  conditions  result 
in  obtaining  better,  more  intelligent  and  steadier  employees,  . . . and  that  absences  on  account  of  sick- 
ness are  diminished  and  a higher  grade  of  efficiency  is  secured.”  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Health, 
Report  of  1911,  p.  567. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  65 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES. 

The  problem  of  three  meals  a day  looms  large  to  the  working 
woman  dependent  on  her  own  resources.  She  has  a very  small  sum 
to  spend  for  food,  — too  small  to  admit  of  serious  mistakes  in 
choice.  Yet  she  has  little  knowledge  of  the  comparative  nutritive 
value  of  the  bewildering  variety  of  foods  offered  in  the  restaurant 
menu  or  at  the  market,  and,  generally,  slight  skill  in  cookery  and 
little  time  or  strength  to  devote  to  home  preparation  of  meals. 
These  difficulties  are  well  summed  up  in  a letter  from  a young  work- 
ing woman  in  Boston  telling  of  her  own  experience  in  the  business 
world. 

“After  I had  paid  the  room  rent,”  she  wrote,  “an  average  of 
25  cents  a week  for  laundry,  5 cents  for  church,  and  saving  out  60 
cents  for  car  fare,  I had  $2.10  left  to  pay  for  clothes,  21  meals  and 
incidentals.  Some  weeks  I could  live  on  it  and  others  I could 
not.  . . . About  every  three  weeks  I went  on  a ‘food  spree.’  For 

instance,  one  day  I simply  had  to  have  some  M ’s  lobster 

salad  for  lunch.  It  cost  me  45  cents.  I felt  wicked  all  the  rest  of 
the  week  whenever  I thought  of  that  extravagance,  but  yet  I did  not 
regret  it,  for  I was  perfectly  willing  to  live  on  almost  nothing  for  the 
rest  of  the  week  to  make  up  for  it.  I had  to  have  those  ‘sprees’ 
because  — it’s  hard  to  explain  — but  I felt  it  kept  me  normal. 
But  I used  to  think  if  I could  only  get  the  right  kinds  of  food,  the 
right  combination,  I could  eat  less  and  be  better  nourished.  I got 
books  out  of  the  library,  but  the  cook  books  did  not  help  much  and 
the  books  on  food  value  were  too  scientific.  ...  I asked  the  girls  at 
the  office  about  right  kinds  of  food  to  eat,  and  they  did  not  know. 
Housewives  told  me  they  didn’t  hear  of  such  things  in  their  day. 
When  I used  to  feel  queer  or  dizzy,  I do  not  believe  it  was  because 
I didn’t  get  enough  to  eat,  but  because  I didn’t  have  the  right 
things. 

“My  chum  tells  me  that  on  her  darkest  financial  day  she  had  10 
cents  to  pay  for  the  three  meals.  She  bought  a 5-cent  box  of 
crackers  and  5 cents  worth  of  pickles.  When  I asked  her  if  she 


66 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


didn’t  know  of  something  more  nourishing  than  pickles  she  said  she 
didn’t.” 

Waitresses  and  domestic  servants  do  not  have  to  face  these  food 
difficulties,  but  outside  of  these  occupations  is  found  a great  body  of 
industrial  workers  who  are  not  living  in  family  groups.  Where  do 
these  women  get  their  food,  what  variety  can  they  obtain  for  their 
money,  what  devices  for  reducing  cost  are  practicable,  and  what  is 
the  least  sum  for  which  a woman  can  be  nourished  adequately? 
All  these  are  questions  of  importance  to  any  community  in  which 
large  numbers  of  women  workers  live  apart  from  family  groups.  All 
minimum  wage  discussions  take  such  a woman  as  their  unit,  and  try 
to  ascertain  what  wages  are  necessary  to  “supply  the  cost  of  living 
and  to  maintain  her  in  health.”  Moreover,  the  isolation  of  women 
living  in  this  way  makes  it  possible  that  they  may  become  public 
charges  when  overtaken  by  misfortune  or  ill  health. 

In  1900  there  were  in  the  8 largest  cities  of  the  United  States 
91,770  women  workers  living  away  from  home  (Table  26).  Boston 


Table  26.  — Living  Arrangements  of  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  Over 
engaged  in  Gainful  Occupations 1 in  the  Eight  Largest  Cities  in  the  United 
States .2 


Cities. 

Total  Women. 

Women  living  at 
Home. 

Women  boarding. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent 

The  8 cities,  .... 

i 

553,515 

100.0 

461,745 

83.4 

91,770 

16.6 

Baltimore, 

38,104 

100.0 

32,846 

86.2 

5,258 

13.8 

Boston, 

43,454 

100.0 

32,847 

75.6 

10,607 

24.4 

Chicago, 

95,883 

100.0 

78,144 

81.5 

17,739 

18.5 

Cleveland, 

19,964 

100.0 

17,549 

87.9 

2,415 

12.1 

New  York 

218,073 

100.0 

185,739 

85.2 

32,334 

14.8 

Philadelphia 

91,774 

100.0 

74,920 

81.6 

16,854 

18.4 

Pittsburg, 

12,767 

100.0 

10,906 

85.4 

1,861 

14.6 

St.  Louis, 

33,496 

100.0 

28,794 

86.0 

4,702 

14.0 

1 Excluding  boarding  and  lodging-house  keepers,  housekeepers  and  stewardesses,  nurses  and  midwives, 
servants  and  waitresses. 

2 Twelfth  United  States  Census,  1900,  Statistics  of  Women  at  Work. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  67 


showed  the  largest  proportion,  about  one-fourth  of  all  women  in 
gainful  occupations  being  boarders.  All  great  cities  have  large  num- 
bers of  women  living  in  this  fashion;  the  proportion  in  1900  varied 
from  one-eighth  (12.1  per  cent.)  of  all  women  at  work  in  Cleveland 
to  about  one-fifth  (18.4  per  cent.)  of  those  at  work  in  Philadelphia. 
Nor  is  this  large  proportion  of  women  living  away  from  their  families 
confined  to  a few  industries.  In  1900  it  varied  in  Boston  from  20.1 
per  cent,  of  the  saleswomen  to  32.3  per  cent,  of  the  laundry  workers.1 2 


Table  27.  — Living  Arrangements  of  Women  engaged  in  Different  Industries 

in  Massachusetts .2 


Industries. 

Total  Women. 

Women  living  at 
Home. 

Women  living 

AWAY  FROM  HOME. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

All  the  industries, 

10,423 

100.0 

8,996 

86.3 

1,427 

13.7 

Brush  factories,  .... 

481 

100.0 

418 

86.9 

63 

13.1 

Candy  factories,  .... 

1,595 

100.0 

1,481 

92.9 

114 

7.1 

Corset  factories,  .... 

672 

100.0 

565 

84.1 

107 

15.9 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods  factories, 

1,676 

100.0 

1,498 

89.4 

178 

10.6 

Laundries, 

1,218 

100.0 

945 

77.6 

273 

22.4 

Paper-box  factories, 

866 

100.0 

727 

83.9 

139 

16.1 

Retail  stores,  .... 

3,233 

100.0 

2,801 

86.6 

432 

13.4 

Women’s  clothing  factories, 

682 

100.0 

561 

82.3 

121 

17.7 

Minimum  wage  reports  in  8 industries  in  Massachusetts  made  from 
1913  to  1916  show  that  about  one-seventh  (13.7  per  cent.)  of  all  the 
women  from  whom  data  were  obtained  were  not  living  at  home 
(Table  27).  Laundry  workers  showed  the  highest  percent.,  boarding 
and  candy  workers  the  lowest.  The  question  of  food  for  working 
women  living  apart  from  family  groups  is,  then,  common  to  all  in- 
dustries and  to  all  sections  of  the  country.  It  is  peculiarly  urgent 
that  the  problem  be  understood  in  a city  like  Boston,  where  the 

1 Twelfth  United  States  Census,  1900,  Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  222.  In  a study  of  women  em- 
ployed in  department  stores  in  Boston  in  1915,  only  10.2  per  cent,  of  the  1,763  interviewed  were  found  to  be 
living  “ independently.”  See  Unemployment  among  Women  in  Department  and  Other  Retail  Stores  in 
Boston,  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  No.  182  (January,  1916),  pp.  33,  52,  64. 

2 Reports  of  the  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  1914-16.  The  table  includes  only  women 
from  whom  data  as  to  living  arrangements  were  available. 


68 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


proportion  of  women  boarding  is  large  and  where  the  community 
as  a whole  has  assumed  to  an  unusual  extent  the  responsibility  for 
the  welfare  of  its  workers. 

Method  of  Investigation. 

To  discover  what  arrangements  for  obtaining  food  have  been  made 
by  working  women  in  Boston  living  away  from  their  homes,  and  to 
learn  how  much  food  costs  and  what  variety  can  be  obtained  for  a 
given  expenditure,  was  the  object  of  this  part  of  the  investigation. 
The  unit  was  the  variety  and  cost  of  food  for  one  week.  The  sched- 
ule contained  questions  concerning  nationality,  wages,  occupation 
and  amounts  spent  in  one  week  for  rent,  laundry  and  meals,  in 
addition  to  the  inquiry  as  to  food  eaten  each  day.1  Through  co- 
operation with  the  Alumnse  Association  of  Simmons  College,  Boston, 
48  schedules  were  obtained.  These  represented  a rather  high  wage 
group  among  working  women,  and  included  12  students.  By  means 
of  personal  visits  made  by  investigators  to  women  known  to  be 
living  away  from  their  families,  the  number  of  schedules  complete 
enough  to  tabulate  was  increased  to  273.  The  investigation  extended 
from  December,  1915,  to  April,  1916.  The  schedules  secured  through 
the  Simmons  College  Alumnae  Association  were  filled  out  completely 
and  sent  into  the  office  by  mail.  When  a personal  visit  was  made, 
the  general  information  and  menus  of  meals  for  the  past  two  days 
were  obtained.  Most  of  the  women  could  remember  what  they  had 
eaten  “ to-day  and  yesterday,”  but  launched  into  generalities  when 
questioned  as  to  previous  days.  A supplementary  schedule  contain- 
ing spaces  for  the  menus  for  one  week  was,  therefore,  left  to  be  filled 
out  from  day  to  day,  and  sent  in  by  the  person  interviewed.  A 
large  number  of  these  were  returned,  partially  or  wholly  completed, 
and  bearing  every  mark  of  reasonable  accuracy.  When  the  menus 
for  the  six  meals  obtained  by  the  investigator  were  compared  with 
those  on  the  returned  schedule  they  were  found  to  be  surprisingly 
similar.  Little  or  no  tendency  to  enlarge  on  the  variety  of  food 
could  be  discovered.  The  danger  seemed  rather  to  be  that  some  of 
the  food  actually  eaten  would  be  omitted  from  the  enumeration  of 
articles. 

The  usual  difficulties  incident  to  finding  women  living  apart  from 


See  Appendix  A,  No.  1. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  69 


family  groups  were  encountered.  Women  "adrift”  1 * have  so  few 
social  affiliations  that  settlements,  churches  and  clubs  could  afford 
the  investigators  little  help.  Moreover,  many  of  them  move  fre- 
quently, and  tracing  them  was  rendered  difficult  by  the  general 
migratory  character  of  rooming-house  neighborhoods.  The  isolation 

Table  28.  — Occupations  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  Adrift 

in  Boston. 


Occupations. 


Number. 


Per  Cent. 


All  occupations, 

Professional  service,  .... 

Artists, 

Investigators  and  social  workers, 

Teachers 

Trained  nurses, 

Librarians 

Journalists 

Domestic  and  personal  service, 3 
Home  and  office  cleaners,  . 

Laundresses, 

Servants  and  waitresses, 

Trade  and  transportation, 

Forewomen,  ..... 

Office  workers, 

Saleswomen, 

Packers  and  shippers 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits, 

Forewomen, 

Dressmakers  and  seamstresses,  . 
Milliners,  . . . 

Semi-skilled  operatives:  — 

Candy  factories,  . . . • . 

Box  factories, 

Rubber  factories 

Shoe  factories, 

Bookbinderies, 

Lace  and  embroidery  factories, 

Foundries, 

Sewing  trades,  .... 
Textile  mills 

No  data, 


261 

100.0 

35 

13.4 

2 

,7 

7 

2.7 

19 

7.3 

1 

.4 

5 

1.9 

1 

.4 

30 

11.5 

1 

.4 

26 

10.0 

3 

1.1 

103 

39.5 

2 

.7 

48 

1.8.4 

52 

20.0 

1 

.4 

91 

34.9 

6 

2.3 

19 

7.3 

4 

1.5 

10 

3.8 

5 

1.9 

1 

.4 

7 

2.7 

2 

.8 

2 

.8 

3 

1.1 

31 

11.9 

1 

.4 

2 

.7 

of  a number  of  these  women  was  marked.  Long  hours  of  work, 
coupled  with  the  general  habit  of  using  what  leisure  remained  for 
laundry,  cooking  and  other  household  tasks,  left  little  time  or 
strength  for  making  friends  or  forming  personal  ties  of  any  kind. 
The  hopelessness  of  the  struggle  was  expressed  frequently  by  the 
older  workers,  who  sometimes  refused  to  try  to  estimate  the  cost  of 
food  for  the  week.  " I should  go  wild  if  I really  knew  what  I pay  for 

1 Adrift:  not  living  as  an  integral  part  of  a family  group.  See  Report  on  the  Condition  of  Women  and 

Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  V.,  pp.  10-12. 

3 Not  receiving  food  as  part  of  wages. 


70 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


food  and  rent.  It  takes  all  I make  to  keep  me,  I know  that,”  said 
one.  As  she  grows  older,  excessive  timidity  about  looking  for  better 
work  or  asking  for  better  pay,  selfishness  and  indifference  to  any- 
thing outside  the  regular  day’s  routine  become  characteristic  of  the 
woman  worker  without  home  ties. 

Reports  as  to  food  eaten  were  obtained  from  261  working  women; 
these  included  menus  for  1,077  breakfasts,  1,047  lunches  and  1,028 
dinners,  in  all,  3,152  meals,  an  average  of  12  for  each  person.  The 
number  of  items  of  food  tabulated  from  the  schedules  was  21,462. 


Table  29.  — Age  and  Birthplace  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Working  Women 
living  away  from  their  Families. 


Ages. 

Total. 

I 

United 

States. 

Dumber  o: 
Canada. 

f Women 

Great 

Britain. 

BORN  IN  - 

Russia. 

Other 

Coun- 

tries. 

Not  re- 
ported. 

Total, 

261 

178 

33 

23 

19 

5 

3 

15  years  and  under  20, 

6 

3 

1 

- 

2 

- 

- 

20  years  and  under  25, 

54 

32 

3 

4 

14 

1 

- 

25  years  and  under  30, 

58 

40 

7 

7 

3 

- 

1 

30  years  and  under  35, 

48 

41 

3 

2 

- 

2 

- 

35  years  and  under  40, 

32 

19 

8 

3 

- 

2 

- 

40  years  and  under  45, 

26 

17 

7 

2 

- 

- 

- 

45  years  and  under  50, 

12 

7 

2 

3 

- 

- 

- 

50  years  and  under  55, 

12 

11 

- 

1 

- 

- 

- 

55  years  and  over, 

5 

3 

1 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Not  reported, 

8 

5 

1 

- 

- 

- 

2 

These  women  lived  in  almost  every  section  of  Boston  and  its  vicinity, 
received  wages  varying  from  $2  to  $32  a week,  and  were  engaged  in 
most  of  the  principal  occupations  mentioned  in  the  census  (Table 
28).  About  one-third  (34.9  per  cent.)  of  those  interviewed  were  in 
manufacturing  or  mechanical  pursuits,  two-fifths  (39.5  per  cent.)  in 
trade  and  transportation,  one-tenth  (11.5  per  cent.)  in  domestic  and 
personal  service,  and  one-eighth  (13.4  per  cent.)  in  professional  serv- 
ice. Since  the  lists  of  women  “adrift”  came  from  a number  of 
different  sources,  and  since  the  workers  interviewed  varied  so  greatly 
in  age,  experience  and  traditions,  the  group  probably  represents 
fairly  well  the  situation  as  a whole  among  the  working  women  in 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  71 


Boston.  The  wages  and  expenditure  for  the  week  of  the  interview 
were  obtained.  Since  the  study  was  made  during  the  time  of  maxi- 
mum employment  in  most  industries,  income  and  expenditure  are 
typical  of  a normal  condition  of  work. 

Age  and  nationality  as  well  as  occupation  are  of  importance  in 
considering  the  problems  of  i^ving  which  must  be  met  by  women 
away  from  their  families.  One  hundred  and  ninety-three  of  the 
women  interviewed,  almost  three-fourths  of  the  total  number,  were 
twenty-five  years  of  age  or  over,  and  29  were  forty-five  or  over. 
Relatively  few  girls  less  than  twenty  years  of  age  are  “adrift,”  partly 
because  they  usually  earn  wages  too  small  to  allow  of  this  method  of 
living,  and  partly  because  the  families  of  most  of  them  are  as  yet 
not  broken  up,  and  are  unwilling  to  trust  immature  girls  away  from 
home.  In  discussing  the  food  of  these  working  women  it  is  necessary 
to  take  into  consideration  this  maturity;  the  kind  of  food  needed  for 
women  over  twenty  differs  from  that  required  for  growth  by  younger 
workers.  Nationality  also  has  an  influence  on  the  manner  of  living 
of  the  working  woman  “adrift.”  No  Italians  not  living  as  an  in- 
tegral part  of  a family  group  were  found.  The  parents  of  114  of  the 
women  were  born  in  the  United  States,  125  were  of  foreign  and  19  of 
mixed  parentage.1  About  one-fifth  of  the  girls  born  in  the  United 
States,  and  somewhat  more  than  one-third  of  those  born  outside  the 
United  States,  were  less  than  twenty-five  years  of  age  (Table  29). 
American  girls  and  girls  of  Russian  nativity  left  home  somewhat 
earlier  than  those  born  in  the  other  countries.  Eighty-three  of  the 
women  interviewed  reported  that  they  had  been  living  away  from 
their  families  since  they  were  less  than  twenty  years  of  age;  82  were 
from  twenty  to  twenty-five,  and  37  were  from  twenty-five  to  thirty 
years  old  when  they  left  home.  The  average  number  of  years  away 
from  home  was  between  nine  and  ten.  These  facts  should  tend  to 
discredit  the  statement  that  women  can  be  expected  to  work  a rela- 
tively short  time,  and  that  the  problems  of  workers  adrift  can  be  of 
little  real  importance.  If  the  261  studied  in  Boston  are  a fair  sample 
of  the  24.4  per  cent.  (Table  26)  of  the  working  women  living  away 
from  home,  it  is  evident  that  a large  proportion  of  the  entire  group 
will  have  many  years  of  this  lonely  life. 

How  effectually  many  of  these  workers  are  barred  from  any  hope 
of  assistance  from  home  in  an  emergency  is  shown  by  the  proportion 


Data  concerning  parentage  of  3 women  were  not  available. 


72 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


of  women  interviewed  reporting  both  parents  dead  or  living  in  other 
countries.  The  residence  of  the  surviving  parent  was  considered  if 
either  father  or  mother  was  dead.  One  hundred  and  eleven  had  no 
parents  living;  the  parents  of  41  others  resided  abroad.  About  three- 
fifths  of  the  total  number  could,  then,  obtain  no  help  from  father 
or  mother  in  case  of  illness.  Forty-one  others  reported  parents 
living  in  the  United  States  outside  of  Massachusetts;  the  parents 
of  only  52  resided  in  the  State.1  No  doubt  many  of  the  women  have 
relatives  who  would  help  in  an  extremity,  but  the  length  of  time 
away  from  home  is  significant  of  the  fact  that  this  group  of  women 
is  really  “adrift,”  that  their  needs  are  not  to  be  confused  with  those 
of  a worker  belonging  to  a family,  nor  are  costs  of  living  and  stand- 
ards identical  with  those  of  a family  group.  Whether  or  not  this 
manner  of  life  is  wise  for  an  individual  and  salutary  for  the  com- 
munity is  not  the  question.  Since  these  are  the  conditions  it  is  neces- 
sary that  any  general  action  shall  be  taken  with  full  understanding 
of  them. 

Expenditure  for  Food. 

The  expenditure  for  food  is  the  largest  item  of  any  wage  earner’s 
budget.  The  amount  spent  by  women  interviewed  in  the  course  of 
this  study  depended  on  the  wages  received  (Table  30).  Eleven  of  the 
261  workers  spent  less  than  $2  a week  for  food,  and  8 of  these  were 
receiving  less  than  $9.50  a week;  10  spent  $6  or  more  a week;  and 
8 of  these  were  receiving  $15  a week  or  more.  The  largest  number 
of  women  spent  from  $3  to  $4  a week.  The  “mode,”  the  sum  that 
the  greatest  number  expended,  was  $3.70,  while  the  median  was 
$3.65.  There  were  as  many  women  spending  less  than  this  sum 
as  there  were  spending  more  than  this  sum.  Half  of  all  the  women 
interviewed  spent  from  $3  to  $4.45  a week  for  food,  one-fourth  spent 
less  than  $3  and  one-fourth  more  than  $4.45.  The  arithmetic  aver- 
age was  $3.63  a week  (Table  31).  Since  median,  mode  and  average 
all  fall  in  practically  the  same  group,  the  conclusion  is  justified  that 
about  $3.65  per  week  is  a normal  expenditure  for  a normal  working 
woman.  She  will  spend  this  much  for  food  if  she  can  afford  it. 

This  conclusion  agrees  fairly  well  with  the  results  of  such  investi- 
gations as  have  been  made  in  the  past.  Thirty  social  workers  in 
conference  in  1910  estimated  the  cost  of  board  for  a woman  adrift 


1 Sixteen  did  not  report  residence  of  parents. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  73 


to  be  not  less  than  $4  a week.1  In  1906  a study  was  made  of  work- 
ing women  “ adrift”  in  Boston.  The  average  weekly  expenditure 
for  food  was  found  to  be  S3. 19. 2 

The  amounts  spent  for  food  by  women  earning  less  than  $8  a week 
differ  very  little.  Twenty-nine  of  the  52  women  in  this  group 
spent  less  than  S3,  and  all  but  2 spent  less  than  S4  (Table  30).  The 
difference  in  average  amounts  spent  for  food  by  women  earning  less 
than  S6  and  by  those  earning  from  S6  to  S8  is  only  4 cents  (Table 
31).  Two  marked  increases  in  the  amounts  occur,  one  of  21.3  per 
cent,  between  the  groups  earning,  respectively,  S6  and  less  than  S8, 
and  S8  and  less  than  S10,  and  the  other  17.9  per  cent,  between  the 
group  earning  S14  and  less  than  S16,  and  that  earning  S16  and 
more.  The  first  increase  doubtless  means  that  better  food  and  a 
more  adequate  supply  is  purchased;  wages  of  less  than  $8  do  not 
warrant  an  expenditure  large  enough  to  insure  a really  satisfying 
diet.  The  second  increase  probably  indicates  a decided  change  in  the 
standard  of  living,  with  which  absolute  necessity  has  nothing  to  do. 
It  is  reasonable  to  say  that  while  33  women  spent  less  than  $2.50 
a week  for  food  (Table  30),  $2.60  is  the  least  allowance  that  should 
be  made,  since  this  is  the  average  expenditure  for  the  lowest  wage 
group,  — those  receiving  less  than  $5.  Only  10  women  spent  $6 
a week  or  more.  The  average  expenditure  for  the  high  wage  group, 
$4.68,  probably  represents  a maximum  food  allowance  irrespective 
of  income,  beyond  which  relatively  few  working  women  go.  Be- 
tween these  extremes,  at  about  $3.65,  lies  the  comfortable  average, 
the  allowance  for  food  which  provides  for  an  adequate  and  not 
extravagant  diet.  It  is  rather  interesting  to  note  that  only  when  a 
woman  reaches  a wage  of  $10  a week  does  her  average  expenditure 
for  food  approximately  equal  this  amount  (Table  31).  The  per- 
centage of  income  spent  for  food  decreases  rapidly  in  the  low-wage 
group,  and  shows  a smaller,  fairly  regular  decline  after  an  adequate 
income  has  been  attained.  The  failure  of  the  $16  to  $18  group  to 
show  this  trend  probably  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  small  number 
included  in  the  tabulation  resulted  in  undue  weight  being  given  to 
a few  individuals. 

1 Report  of  the  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards,  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  House 
Document  1697,  January,  1912,  p.  222. 

2 Bosworth,  L.  Marion:  The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,  p.  17.  Between  1907  and  1915,  retail 
prices  for  food  advanced  in  the  North  Atlantic  Division  18  per  cent.  If  Miss  Bosworth’s  figures  be  increased 
18  per  cent.,  the  average  amount  becomes  $3.76,  approximately  the  expenditure  found  in  this  study.  See 
Retail  Prices,  1907  to  June,  1915,  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  No.  184,  Novem- 
ber, 1915,  p.  8. 


Number  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families  expending  Specified  Amounts  for  Food,  by  Wage  Groups. 


74 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


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FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  75 


Table  31.  — Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away 
from  their  Families  spent  for  Food , by  Wage  Groups. 


Average  Weekly  Wages. 

Number  of 
Schedules. 

Average  Weekly  Expend- 
iture for  Food. 

Amount. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Income. 

Total, 

261 

$3  63 

31.4 

Less  than  $6, 

21 

2 73 

68.6 

$6  and  less  than  $8, 

31 

2 77 

41.4 

$8  and  less  than  $10, 

61 

3 36 

39.4 

$10  and  less  than  $12,  . . 

32 

"3  55 

35.2 

$12  and  less  than  $14,  

29 

3 80 

31.0 

$14  and  less  than  $16,  

31 

3 97 

26.9 

$16  and  less  than  $18,  

14 

4 68 

27.7 

$18  and  more, 

33 

4 66 

21.2 

Not  reported, 1 

9 

- 

- 

1 Including  those  not  reporting  wages  and  those  not  reporting  expenditure  for  food. 


Effect  of  Place  of  Residence  on  Expenditure  for 
Food  and  Rent. 

Although  Boston  is  made  up  of  sections  differing  very  greatly  in 
character,  place  of  residence  seems  to  affect  very  little  the  amount 
of  money  spent  for  food  (Table  32).  The  number  of  those  paying 
less  than  S3.50  a week  for  board  was  in  excess  of  the  number  paying 
more  than  $3.50  in  the  South  End,  pre-eminently  the  rooming-house 
district,  and  in  South  Boston,  inhabited  almost  entirely  by  working- 
class  families.  The  price  of  board  in  the  suburbs  seems  to  be,  in 
general,  higher  than  the  price  in  Boston  proper.  If  a working  woman 
is  obliged  to  economize  in  expenditure  for  food  she  will  find  one  sec- 
tion of  the  city  almost  as  expensive  as  another.  The  South  End, 
with  its  numerous  restaurants,  delicatessen  and  boarding-houses, 
offers  more  easily  found  accommodations  for  women  “adrift”  than 
do  other  sections.  In  individual  instances  it  was  found  possible  to 
live  more  cheaply  there  and  in  South  Boston  and  Roxbury  than  in 
other  districts. 

Place  of  residence  does,  however,  decidedly  influence  the  ex- 
penditure for  rent  (Table  32).  Only  one-fifth  of  the  women  living  in 
the  Back  Bay  and  Fenway  — the  section  offering  accommodations 


76 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


to  great  numbers  of  students  as  well  as  wage-earning  women  — paid 
less  than  $2.50  a week  for  rent.  Residents  of  the  suburbs  were 
almost  equally  divided,  about  half  paying  less  than  $2.50  a week. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  majority  of  women  living  in  the  South  End, 
South  Boston,  the  West  End  and  Roxbury  spent  less  than  $2.50  a 
week  for  rooms.  The  largest  number  interviewed  in  Dorchester, 
Roxbury  and  South  Boston  spent  less  than  $2.  Of  the  52  women 
paying  less  than  $1.50  for  rent,  17  lived  in  Roxbury  and  Dorchester, 
10  in  South  Boston  and  9 in  the  West  End.  Since  these  places, 
with  the  exception  of  the  last,  are  at  some  distance  from  the  business 
district,  car  fare  must  be  added  to  rent,  making  the  total  expenditure 
approximately  the  same  in  these  more  distant  places  as  in  the  South 
End. 

Expenditure  for  rent  varied  less  with  changes  of  income  than 
expenditure  for  food.  The  increase  of  both  was  fairly  regular  except 
at  the  point  of  transition  from  wages  of  $10  a week  and  less  than 
$12,  to  $12  and  less  than  $14,  where  the  average  amount  of  rent 
paid  increased  72  cents,  or  38  per  cent.  (Table  33).  This  probably 
indicates  a change  in  the  standard  of  living.  Usually  a woman 
moved  to  a more  desirable  neighborhood  rather  than  to  a better 
room  in  the  same  neighborhood.  Women  living  in  a given  block 
generally  were  found  to  be  receiving  approximately  the  same  wages. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  while  the  largest  increase  in  expenditure 
for  food  came  between  the  groups  receiving,  respectively,  $6  to  $8 
and  $8  to  $10,  rent  did  not  increase  materially  until  a much  higher 
wage  group  was  reached.  Evidently  the  added  income  was  used 
first  for  food,  and  expenditure  for  rent  increased  when  the  more 
imperative  want  was  met. 

In  the  case  of  food,  Engel’s  law  was  substantiated,  — the  greater 
the  income,  the  smaller  the  percentage  of  outlay.  The  second  state- 
ment, that  the  percentage  of  income  expended  for  lodging  remains 
the  same  whatever  the  income,  was  not  proved.  The  percentage  for 
lodging  varied  with  a general  downward  tendency,  from  30.9  per 
cent,  for  women  receiving  $5  and  less  than  $6,  to  15.7  per  cent,  for 
those  receiving  $18  and  more.  In  the  study  made  in  1906  it  was 
found  that  the  variation  ranged  from  21.6  per  cent,  in  the  case  of 
women  earning  less  than  $5  to  13  per  cent,  for  women  earning  $15 
and  more.1 


1 Bosworth,  L.  Marion:  The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,  p.  17. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  77 


Table  32.  — Number  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families  expending 
Specified  Amounts  for  Food  and  Rent,  by  Places  of  Residence. 


Residence. 

Number 

of  Women  spending 
’or  Food  — 

Number  of  Women 
for  Rent  - 

SPENDING 

Total. 

Less  than 

$3.50. 

$3.50  and 

more. 

Total. 

Less  than 

$2.50. 

$2.50  and 

more. 

Total,  . . ... 

261 

113 

142 

261 

153 

106 

Boston, 

206 

100 

106 

209 

128 

81 

Back  Bay,  .... 

24 

10 

14 

25 

5 

20 

South  End,  .... 

70 

36 

34 

70 

42 

28 

South  Boston,  .... 

21 

12 

9 

21 

19 

2 

West  End, 

25 

10 

15 

25 

15 

10 

Roxbury,  etc.,1 

66 

32 

34 

68 

47 

21 

Near-by  suburbs, 

35 

11 

24 

35 

18 

17 

Brookline, 

9 

4 

5 

9 

4 

5 

Cambridge,  .... 

15 

3 

12 

15 

8 

7 

Somerville,  .... 

8 

2 

6 

8 

5 

3 

Other  suburbs,  .... 

3 

2 

1 

3 

1 

2 

Suburbs,  10  miles  or  more  distant, 

14 

2 

12 

15 

7 

8 

Not  reported,2  .... 

6 

- 

- 

2 

- 

- 

1 Includes  Roxbury,  Allston,  Charlestown,  Dorchester,  East  Boston,  Hyde  Park,  Jamaica  Plain, 
Roslindale. 

2 Two  did  not  report  place  of  residence;  4 did  not  report  amount  expended  for  food. 


Table  33.  — Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away  from 
their  Families  spent  for  Rent,  by  Wage  Groups. 


Average  Weekly  Wages. 

Number  of 
Schedules. 

Average  Weekly 
Expenditure  for  Rent. 

Amount. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Income. 

Total, 

261 

$2  26 

19.4 

Less  than  $6, 

21 

1 84 

46.1 

$6  and  less  than  $8 

31 

1 49 

22.2 

$8  and  less  than  $10, 

61 

1 66 

19.5 

$10  and  less  than  $12,  

33 

1 88 

18.6 

$12  and  less  than  $14, 

30 

2 60 

21.2 

$14  and  less  than  $16, 

31 

2 86 

19.4 

$16  and  less  than  $18,  

14 

2 99 

17.7 

$18  and  more, 

35 

3 51 

15.7 

Not  reported, 1 

5 

- 

- 

1 Including  those  not  reporting  wages  and  those  not  reporting  amount  spent  for  rent. 


78 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


One  means  of  economizing  on  rent  is  to  take  a roommate.  The 
arrangement  is  frequently  more  a matter  of  convenience  than  of 
desire  for  congenial  company.  Each  roommate  usually  went  her 
own  way,  with  little  regard  for  the  other.  “I  hardly  ever  spoke  to 
the  old  lady  I roomed  with,”  remarked  a shoe  saleswoman.  “She 
was  peculiar  in  lots  of  ways,  and  kept  all  her  things  locked  up  in  her 
trunk  for  fear  I would  know  what  she  had.  I was  glad  when  she 
left,  because  the  landlord  didn’t  raise  the  rent  on  me,  but  let  me  have 
the  room  for  what  my  share  had  been  and  50  cents  more.”  More 
than  two-thirds  (67.8  per  cent.)  of  the  women  interviewed  had  no 
roommates,  and  one-fourth  (25.3  per  cent.)  had  one.  The  single 
room  is  the  standard  for  expenditure,  and  working  women  as  a rule 
are  very  unwilling  to  sacrifice  their  privacy. 

Expenditure  for  Living  Expenses. 

While  the  amounts  spent  for  board  and  room  combined  (Table  34) 
show  a steady  and  fairly  regular  increase,  this  is  not  caused  by 
similar  regularity  in  increase  of  both  board  and  lodging.  Although 
these  two  items  grow  larger,  as  already  noted,  one  does  not  increase 
in  the  same  wage  groups  as  the  other.  The  increase  for  the  two 


Table  34.  — Per  Cent,  of  the  Average  Weekly  Income  of  Women  living  away  from 
their  Families  spent  for  Food  and  Lodging,  by  Wage  Groups. 


Average  Weekly  Wages. 

Number  of 
Schedules. 

Average  W'eekly 
Expenditure  for  Food 
and  Lodging. 

Amount. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Wages. 

Total,  . . . 

261 

$5  89 

51.0 

Less  than  $6 

21 

4 57 

114.7 

$6  and  less  than  $8, 

31 

4 26 

63.6 

$8  and  less  than  $10, 

61 

5 03 

58.9 

$10  and  less  than  $12,  

32 

5 43 

53.7 

$12  and  less  than  $14,  

29 

6 45 

52.6 

$14  and  less  than  $16,  

31 

6 84 

46.4 

$16  and  less  than  $18,  

14 

7 67 

45.5 

$18  and  more 

33 

8 18 

37.2 

Not  reported, 

9 

- 

- 

FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  79 


items  alternate,  but  changes  in  expenditures  for  food  precede  those 
for  rent.  Thus  larger  payments  for  food  were  found  when  the  tran- 
sition was  made  from  the  $6  to  $8  wage  group  to  the  $8  to  $10 
group,  and  also  when  the  woman  began  earning  $16  to  $18;  while 
changes  in  rent  were  observed  at  the  times  when  the  woman  passed 
from  the  $10  to  $12  wage  group  to  the  $12  to  $14  group,  and  when 
she  earned  $18  or  over.  The  general  assumption  that  increase  in  the 
price  of  living  means  simultaneous  increase  in  expenditure  for  rent 
and  for  food  was  not  found  to  be  true  of  the  women  included  in  this 
study. 


Table  35.  — Average  Weekly  Expenditures  for  Food  and  Lodging  of  Women 
living  in  New  York  City  and  in  Ohio,  by  Wage  Groups. 


Weekly  Wages. 

New  York  City.1 

Ohio.2 

Number  of 
Women 
reporting. 

Average  Ex- 
penditure for 
Room  and 
Board. 

Number  of 
Women 
reporting. 

Average  Ex- 
penditure for 
Room  and 
Board. 

Total, 

153 

$5  13 

208 

$4  02 

Less  than  $6, 

12 

3 50 

22 

3 31 

$6  and  less  than  $8, 

43 

4 41 

72 

3 79 

$8  and  less  than  $10,  .... 

54 

5 04 

68 

4 09 

$10  and  less  than  $12,  .... 

22 

5 79 

46 

4 63 

$12  and  less  than  $14, 

6 

6 43 

- 

- 

$14  and  less  than  $16,  .... 

14 

7 14 

- 

- 

$16  and  less  than  $18,  . . 

1 

6 50 

- 

- 

$18  and  more, 

1 

9 20 

- 

- 

1 Fourth  Report  of  the  Factory  Investigating  Commission,  1915,  State  of  New  York,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  1539, 
1775. 

2 Cost  of  Living  of  Working  Women  in  Ohio,  The  Industrial  Commission  of  Ohio,  1915,  Report  No.  14, 

p.  41. 


The  average  expenditure  was  $5.89,  first  reached  when  the  wages 
were  from  $12  to  $14.  The  percentage  of  income  spent  for  food  and 
rent  declined  steadily  with  increasing  wages  (Table  34).  The  largest 
decrease  came  when  a woman  began  to  earn  from  $6  to  $8  a week, 
and  the  smallest  when  she  was  paid  $12  to  $14  a week.  The  steady 
increase  in  the  sum  spent  indicates  that  more  generous  wages  were 
spent  for  better  living  conditions,  not  chiefly  for  clothes  and  in- 
cidentals, as  has  sometimes  been  claimed. 


80 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


The  expenditure  for  living  expenses  by  working  women  was  the 
subject  of  studies  made  in  1915  for  New  York  City  by  the  Factory 
Investigating  Commission,  and  for  Ohio  by  the  Industrial  Commis- 
sion. The  amounts  spent  for  food  and  lodging  by  women  in  New 
York  differ  very  little  in  the  several  wage  groups  from  similar  ex- 
penditure in  Boston  (Table  35).  In  the  wage  groups  $8  to  $10  and 
$12  to  $14  they  are  almost  identical.  The  New  York  figures  are 
slightly  higher  in  the  groups  earning  $6  . and  less  than  $8,  $10  and  less 
than  $12,  and  $14  and  less  than  $16.  In  Ohio  the  pidces  were  de- 
cidedly lower.  In  Boston  women  receiving  from  $8  to  $10  a week 
paid  on  an  average  $5.04  for  board  and  room,  while  in  Ohio  they 
paid  an  average  of  $4.09.  No  doubt  the  lower  cost  of  food  in  the 
Middle  West  accounts  for  this  difference  in  expenditure.  New  York 
and  Boston  retail  prices  are  more  nearly  alike  (Tables  4 and  5). 

Living  costs  more  for  a woman  “adrift”  than  for  a member  of  a 
family  group.  In  Massachusetts  the  cost  of  food  was  $1.35  a week 
for  each  individual  in  a normal  family,  while  rent,  light  and  heat 
cost  86  cents,  a total  expenditure  for  living  expenses  of  $2.21. 1 No 
women  living  “adrift”  were  found  in  the  course  of  this  study  whose 
expenditures  were  as  low  as  this.  Two  sisters  managed  by  the  most 
rigid  economy  to  keep  expenses  as  low  as  $2.88  a week  each.  They 
lived  in  two  small  back  rooms  in  an  undesirable  neighborhood,  doing 
all  their  own  cooking  on  a range  which  also  supplied  their  heat. 
They  bought  meat  and  eggs  from  a relative  in  the  country  at  whole- 
sale prices,  worked  all  day  in  a candy  factory  and  spent  their  even- 
ings in  studying  at  night  school  or  washing  and  ironing  their  clothes 
at  home.  Both  had  been  going  at  intervals  to  a dispensary  because 
of  various  troubles  due  to  overwork.  Evidently  their  health  was 
suffering,  but  they  could  spend  no  more  on  living,  because  they  were 
in  seasonal  work,  and  never  in  busy  weeks  earned  more  than  $8. 
Young  and  unusually  ambitious,  they  were  mortgaging  their  future 
by  a ceaseless  round  of  work,  and  both  were  losing  their  fitness  to  fill 
positions  paying  better  wages.  None  of  the  other  women  interviewed 
even  approached  an  expenditure  so  low  as  theirs.  Family  standards 
of  expenditure  are  not  applicable  to  women  adrift.  Any  sort  of 
legislation  inaugurated  for  the  welfare  of  workers  should  take  into 

1 Eighteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Labor,  1903,  p.  540.  Tf  this  amount 
is  “weighted”  by  adding  18  per  cent,  to  the  price  of  food,  the  difference  between  retail  prices  from  1907 
to  1915,  the  total  living  expenses  would  amount  to  $2.45.  See  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics,  No.  184,  Retail  Prices,  1907  to  June,  1915  (November,  1915)  p.  8. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  81 


account  the  fact  that  a woman  living  away  from  home  earning  less 
than  $8  a week  is  economically  below  the  standard  maintained  by 
the  ordinary  working  class  family  in  Massachusetts,  a standard  not 
commonly  considered  too  high  for  the  best  welfare  of  the  community. 

Besides  the  expenditure  for  board  and  room,  laundry  may  legiti- 
mately be  considered  a living  expense.  Women  “adrift”  economize 
consistently  on  this  item.  One  hundred  and  twenty-three  of  the 
women  interviewed  did  all  of  their  crashing  and  ironing,  4 others 
had  their  washing  done  free  at  the  laundry  wdiere  they  were  em- 
ployed and  ironed  the  clothes  at  home.  Forty-nine  women,  many 
of  them  earning  high  vrages,  did  part  of  their  laundry;  their  average 
weekly  expenditure  was  36  cents.  Only  80  women  reported  sending 
out  all  their  washing,  for  which  they  paid  an  average  of  54  cents  a 
week.1  Like  food  and  rent,  this  expenditure  increased  as  wages  in- 
creased; the  average  for  women  earning  less  than  86  a week  wras  3 
cents;  for  those  receiving  $10  to  812,  17  cents;  for  those  earning  818 
or  more,  40  cents.  Washing  and  ironing  are  done  in  the  evening  and 
on  Sundays.  There  is  some  question  as  to  whether  working  women 
should  spend  their  brief  leisure  in  this  sort  of  work.  The  evident 
savings  effected  commonly  outweigh  in  importance  any  possible 
future  danger  to  health  resulting  from  the  greater  strain  of  heavy 
evening  work  after  long  hours  of  regular  employment. 

The  amounts  spent  by  women  in  different  wage  groups  for  food, 
rent  and  laundry  shown  in  Table  36  indicate  a fairly  regular  in- 
crease in  expenditure,  with  considerable  individual  variation.  About 
one-tenth  of  the  women  spent  less  than  84  a week  for  all  living  ex- 
penses; all  of  these  were  earning  less  than  810.  More  than  twro- 
thirds  (68.6  per  cent.)  spent  less  than  81  a day;  this  group  included 
about  one-fifth  of  the  women  earning  816  or  more  a week.  The 
greatest  number  of  women  spent  from  85  to  86.  The  amount  spent 
by  the  “median  group”  was  85.74.  The  number  spending  less  than 
this  amount  vras  the  same  as  the  number  spending  more  than  this 
sum.  The  average  expenditure  was  86.13. 

1 Three  women  sent  their  washing  home  by  express.  Two  others  furnished  no  information  about 
laundry. 


82 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  83 


Plans  of  Living. 

Women  living  away  from  their  families  develop  great  ingenuity  in 
devising  methods  of  economical  living.  Since  the  expenditure  for 
food  always  exceeds  that  for  rent  and  -laundry  combined,  plan  of 
living  means  plan  for  obtaining  food.  The  more  usual  of  the  plans 
adopted  by  the  261  women  interviewed  are  shown  in  Table  37.  The 
women  paying  least  for  food  prepare  all  meals  in  their  rooms,  and 
carry  their  noon  lunches  to  eat  in  their  places  of  employment.  Pre- 
paring meals  in  the  room  did  not  necessitate  an  expensive  equip- 
ment; the  usual  custom  seemed  to  be  to  buy  what  was  absolutely 
necessary  at  the  10-cent  store,  and  to  dispense  with  all  superfluous 
utensils  and  furniture.  A one  or  two  burner  gas  plate  or  oil  stove 
on  an  oilcloth-covered  box  or  table,  dishes  kept  on  the  closet  shelf 
or  in  a bureau  drawer,  a dining  table  that  was  sometimes  a desk, 
sometimes  a cutting  table  and  sometimes  the  lamp  stand,  — these 
furnished  all  that  was  indispensable  for  bedroom  housekeeping. 
The  tablecloth  was  usually  a newspaper  or  piece  of  wrapping  paper, 


Table  37.  — Average  Weekly  Wage  and  Average  Weekly  Expenditure  for  Food 
classified  by  Plans  of  Living  of  Women  away  from  their  Families. 


Places  where  Food  was  obtained. 

Number  of 
Women. 

Average 
Weekly  Wage. 

Average 
Weekly  Ex- 
penditure 
for  Food. 

Total, 

261 

811  54 

S3  63 

Room,  or  room  and  workroom, 

24 

7 63 

2 65 

Room,  or  room  and  workroom  and  — 

Boarding  house, 

8 

11  07 

3 74 

Restaurant, 

47 

13  67 

3 84 

Restaurant  and  boarding  house 

5 

9 20 

3 44 

Restaurant,  or  restaurant  and  workroom,  . 

30 

13  40 

4 38 

Restaurant,  workroom  and  boarding  house, 

44 

12  64 

4 19 

Boarding  house,  or  boarding  house  and  workroom,  . 

54 

8 87 

3 23 

"Home”1  and  — 

Room  or  workroom, 

5 

10  30 

2 61 

Restaurant, 

2 

10  00 

5 25 

Boarding  house, 

3 

18  83 

4 12 

Co-operative  housekeeping, 

30 

12  83 

3 25 

Not  reported, 2 

9 

- 

- 

1 Home:  meals  eaten  with  friends  and  not  paid  for,  or  obtained  during  week-end  visits  to  their  homes. 

2 Including  those  not  reporting  wages  and  those  not  reporting  expenditure  for  food. 


84 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


occasionally  a red  table  cover  or  white  oilcloth.  Service  dishes  were, 
as  a general  thing,  dispensed  with,  the  saucepan  used  in  cooking 
serving  as  a vegetable  dish  and  the  paper  sack  in  which  prepared 
meat  or  cake  had  been  purchased  being  used  in  lieu  of  a special 
plate.  Some  of  the  women  who  could  afford  kitchenette  apartments 
had  more  care  for  details,  but  the  crowded  condition  of  many  of  the 
bedrooms  where  cooking  was  done  made  real  housekeeping  methods 
an  absolute  impossibility;  the  equipment  was  often  meager  and  the 
service  anything  but  dainty. 

Obtaining  all  meals  at  a boarding  house  is  somewhat  more  ex-  | 
pensive.  A boarding  house  is  often  managed  by  a woman  who  keeps 
no  accounts  and  has  no  way  of  knowing  whether  she  is  gaining  or 
losing  money.  Doing  her  own  work  she  pays  little  for  service. 
For  these  reasons  the  difference  in  amounts  expended  by  women 
eating  in  their  own  rooms  and  those  depending  on  boarding  houses 
was  somewhat  smaller  than  might  be  expected.  Several  women 
boarding-house  keepers  were  interviewed,  and  all  acknowledged  that 
they  were  covering  their  own  expenses  and  that  was  about  all. 
High-class  roomers  pay  well,  and  many  women  give  board  in  order 
to  keep  permanent  and  desirable  lodgers.  They  say  that  all  the 
profit  is  made  on  rooms,  not  on  the  food.  Women  who  eat  part  of 
their  meals  at  a boarding  house  and  part  at  a restaurant  and  the 
rest  in  their  rooms  pay  somewhat  more. 

The  most  expensive  plan  of  living  is  at  restaurants.  A number  of 
women,  most  of  them  receiving  high  wages,  have  adopted  this  method, 
because  they  are  free  to  go  where  they  please,  and  have  not  the 
trouble  of  deciding  in  advance  what  they  will  have  to  eat.  One  sales- 
woman remarked  that  she  never  ate  any  two  successive  meals  in  the 
same  restaurant.  “The  food  tastes  better  if  you  move  around,”  she 
said.  Several  workers  felt  that  there  is  need  in  Boston  for  more 
restaurants  of  the  better  type,  with  more  restful  atmosphere  than  . 
can  be  found  in  most  commercial  places.  A number  expressed  the 
wish  for  well-cooked  food  at  moderate  prices,  which  they  said  they 
had  difficulty  in  finding.  These  women  felt  that  they  must  conserve 
time  and  strength,  and  could  not  afford  to  do  any  of  their  own 
cooking,  even  if  the  rules  of  the  houses  where  they  lived  permitted 
the  practice. 

The  combination  preferred  by  many  of  the  highest  wage  group  is 
partly  restaurant  living  and  partly  preparation  of  meals  at  home. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  85 


Usually  this  means  cooking  of  breakfast  or  breakfast  and  supper  in 
their  rooms,  and  lunching  at  a restaurant.  Those  who  claim  that  the 
motive  for  housekeeping  is  quite  as  often  the  housekeeping  instinct 
and  the  desire  for  a quiet,  restful  place  in  which  to  eat  as  the  neces- 
sity for  economy  are  doubtless  correct  in  some  measure.  Women  in 
all  wage  groups  do  both  laundry  work  and  cooking,  although  it  is 
significant  that  17  out  of  the  24  workers  who  prepared  all  of  their 
own  food  were  earning  less  than  89  a week.  To  know  that  meals 
may  be  cooked  at  home  gives  a pleasant  sense  of  independence;  but 
women  who  can  afford  to  choose  their  manner  of  living  prefer  not  to 
make  the  exertion  all  the  time.  About  60  per  cent,  of  all  the  women 
prepared  no  meals  in  their  rooms.  Of  the  58  women  earning  815  a 
week  or  more,  33  went  out  for  all  meals,  while  25  prepared  some 
meals  in  their  rooms.  The  latter  preferred  this  manner  of  living, 
since  their  incomes  were  large  enough  to  enable  them  to  do  as  they 
pleased. 

Some  of  these  women  doing  light  housekeeping  buy  raw  materials 
and  do  all  of  the  preparation.  While  many  landladies  make  no 
extra  charge  for  gas,  the  usual  price  seems  to  be  about  50  cents  a 
month.  One  woman  showed  with  pride  a shelf  of  jelly  and  marma- 
lade put  up  by  herself  during  her  evenings.  Having  been  reared  on 
a farm  in  the  Middle  West  she  had  a taste  for  preserving,  and  liked 
her  own  cooking  best.  As  a rule,  however,  women  living  thus  de- 
pend on  delicatessen  shops  and  bakeries  for  cooked  supplies.  On 
Wednesdays  and  Saturdays  South  End  delicatessen  stores  sell  hot 
baked  beans  at  20  cents  a quart,  and  on  Thursdays  boiled  dinner 
for  the  same  price.  A pint  of  boiled  dinner,  with  its  corned  beef  and 
vegetables,  is  quite  enough  for  a meal  for  two  persons.  A bewilder- 
ing variety  of  cooked  meats  and  bake-shop  cakes  and  cookies  are 
always  displayed.  Some  women  purchase  supplies  at  the  markets  on 
Saturday  afternoons.  The  number  of  articles  that  can  be  cooked  on 
a one  or  two  burner  gas  plate  is  limited.  Canned  soups  are  a staple 
food,  and,  with  bread  and  hermits  from  the  bakery  and  oranges 
from  the  Italian  at  the  corner,  make  an  easily  prepared  meal.  The 
difficulty  of  buying  in  small  quantities  is  a real  one:  “You  tire  of 
your  corn  before  you  are  able  to  eat  up  a can.” 

Women  preparing  all  of  their  meals  in  their  rooms  expended  only 
60.5  per  cent,  as  much  for  food  as  those  eating  always  at  restaurants. 
The  difference  is  not  necessarily  due  to  variations  in  quality  or 


86 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


quantity  of  fare.  The  woman  doing  all  of  her  own  work  paid  noth- 
ing for  service,  “overhead  charges,”  or  restaurant  keepers’  profit, 
which  obviously  formed  a considerable  part  of  the  price  paid  by  the 
worker  buying  at  a restaurant.  The  carefully  kept  records  of  the 
School  Lunch  Department  of  the  Women’s  Educational  and  Indus- 
trial Union,  a department  pledged  to  sell  noon  lunches  at  cost  to 
high  school  pupils,  showed  in  1914  to  1915  that  58.5  per  cent,  of 
the  total  expenditure  had  been  for  raw  materials,  24.5  per  cent,  for 
wages  and  the  rest  for  overhead  expenses. 

Women  living  at  boarding  houses  pay  only  21.9  per  cent,  more 
than  those  doing  all  of  their  own  cooking.  The  lack  of  business 
training  of  landladies,  previously  noted,  the  less  efficient  service,  the 
smaller  variety  of  food  offered  and  the  lowered  “fixed  charges” 

' account  for  the  difference  in  price  of  restaurant  and  boarding-house 
living. 

If  a working  woman  must  economize  she  is  forced  to  do  all  of  her 
own  cooking.  Again  we  are  confronted  with  the  question  of  the 
wisdom  of  this  procedure,  requiring  a considerable  expenditure  of 
physical  energy  at  the  close  of  a working  day.  Whether  in  the  long 
run  it  is  profitable  for  a working  woman  who  must  depend  on  her- 
self for  advancement  in  her  work,  who  must  have  strength  for  long 
hours  of  labor,  extending  as  far  into  the  future  as  she  can  see,  to 
employ  what  leisure  she  has  in  washing,  ironing  and  cooking,  with 
consequent  loss  of  rest  and  recreation,  — this  is  a problem  to  be 
considered.  Since  3 out  of  every  5 women  interviewed  did  none  of  1 
their  cooking,  and  since  women  with  good  wages  preferred  an  ar- 
rangement which  allowed  them  to  choose  whether  they  should  pre- 
pare their  own  meals  or  not,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  the  majority 
of  women  have  learned  that  for  them  the  immediate  saving  is  not 
worth  the  ultimate  cost.  Probably  two-fifths  of  the  women  at  work 
like  housekeeping,  and  will  do  some  of  it  wdiether  or  not  the  neces- 
sity for  strict  economy  exists.  A few  of  the  women  interviewed  ate 
meals  with  friends  at  frequent  intervals,  with  consequent  saving  in 
the  cost  of  board.  Some  of  them  seemed  to  count  on  this  method 
of  reducing  expenses,  but  these  cases  were  too  few  and  too  irregular 
to  be  considered  important. 

Besides  the  ways  of  living  just  discussed,  co-operative  plans  have 
been  tried  by  a number  of  working  women.  Co-operative  living 
meant,  for  purposes  of  this  study,  co-operation  in  the  matter  of  food. 


j FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  87 

Thirty-one  women,  of  all  ages,  reported  living  in  this  fashion,  7 of 
them  with  sisters,  aunts  or  other  relatives,  and  the  remainder  with 
strangers.  The  average  wage  of  the  30  who  reported  on  this  matter 
was  $12.83,  although  8 of  the  women  received  less  than  $9  a week. 
The  average  expenditure  for  food  was  $3.25,  for  rent,  $2.49.  The 
amount  paid  for  both,  an  average  of  $5.74,  was  lower  than  the 
amount  paid  by  women  falling  in  the  $12  to  $14  salary  group  (Table 
34).  The  expenditure  for  living  expenses  represents  44.7  per  cent, 
of  the  income,  a lower  proportion  than  that  spent  by  any  women 
except  those  earning  $18  or  more.  Most  of  the  women  interviewed 
acknowledged  the  financial  advantages  of  co-operative  housekeeping, 
but  seemed  to  lack  the  personal  qualities  which  living  in  this  fashion 
demands.  Many  were  unwilling  to  give  up  their  absolute  inde- 
pendence, or  were  suspicious  and  feared  that  some  one  of  the  group 
might  prove  to  be  a shirker  and  increase  the  burdens  of  the  rest. 
Some  had  tried  the  plan  and  found  it  a failure.  The  reasons  for  its 
lack  of  success  were  summed  up  by  one  sample  maker  in  a waist 
manufacturing  establishment.  After  remarking  that  she  was  40 
years  old,  she  added,  “You  know,  we  get  harder  to  live  with  as  we 
become  older.  Ten  years  ago  I was  lots  better  tempered  than  I am 
now,  when  the  least  little  thing  irritates  me.” 

The  12  students  from  whom  schedules  were  obtained,  all  living  in 
much  the  same  way  as  the  working  women  interviewed,  paid  an 
average  of  $4.09  a week  for  board,  $3.78  for  room,  and  39  cents  for 
washing,  a total  of  all  living  expenses  of  $8.26  a week,  about  the 
sum  paid  by  women  in  the  highest  wage  group.  Their  food  ex- 
penditure equaled  that  of  the  women  earning  $15  a week,  while  for 
room  rent  they  paid  more  than  any  of  the  women  except  those  in  the 
highest  wage  group.  The  relatively  high  prices  paid  by  the  small 
number  of  students  from  whom  information  was  received  suggests 
the  difficulty  of  finding  desirable  accommodations  at  a moderate 
price  in  a strange  city.  It  means  that  the  smaller  expenditure  made 
by  most  of  the  working  women  is  the  result  of  careful  consideration 
and  experience  arising  from  necessity.  The  comparison  also  suggests 
the  conclusion  that  many  needy  students  probably  are  expending 
their  energy  in  earning  enough  to  pay  for  expensive  quarters.  A 
little  knowledge  of  working-class  conditions  would  enable  them  to 
live  for  much  less  without  sacrificing  any  of  the  essentials  of  fairly 
comfortable  living. 


88 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Expenditures  of  Women  receiving  Low  Wages. 

The  wages  mentioned  throughout  this  discussion  represent  maxi- 
mum employment  income,  since  the  schedules  were  collected  during 
the  busy  season  and  in  a year  when  most  kinds  of  business  were 
prosperous.  Eleven  of  the  women  were  not  working  when  inter- 
viewed, 3 because  of  dull  seasons  in  their  industry  and  4 because  of 
illness.  One  had  lately  been  discharged  because  she  was  considered 
by  the  foreman  too  old  to  work  in  the  laundry  where  she  had  been 
employed.  One  claimed  to  have  been  thrown  out  of  work  by  the 
operation  of  the  minimum  wage  law.1  Two  candy  workers  whose 
weekly  wage  was  somewhat  less  than  $8  a week  had  saved  enough 
to  tide  them  over  the  dull  season.  The  laundry  worker  also  had 
savings  enough  to  keep  her  for  a little  while,  but  had  no  prospect 
of  permanent  employment,  and  no  relatives  on  whom  she  could 
depend.  Another  woman,  a saleswoman,  was  being  “ trusted”  by 
her  landlady,  with  whom  she  had  lived  some  time.  Two  of  the 
women  who  were  ill  were  receiving  charitable  assistance;  another 
had  been  paid  accident  insurance;  and  the  fourth  had  received 
help  from  her  sister.  Almost  all  industries  have  dull  seasons  of  vary- 
ing length;  the  teacher  paid  for  ten  months  has  the  same  kind  of 
difficulties  in  making  her  salary  cover  annual  expenses  as  do  the 
worker  in  fur,  the  day  cleaner  and  the  home  laundress.  Other  studies 
have  shown  in  a striking  way  both  variation  between  apparent  and 
actual  income  and  difficulties  of  dovetailing  occupations.2 

As  far  as  could  be  learned  by  questioning  the  persons  inter- 
viewed, savings  are  one  method  of  meeting  irregularity  of  employ- 
ment, and  credit  the  other.  This  means  that  the  landlady  waits  for 
her  money  until  the  worker  is  able  to  earn  enough  to  cover  all 
arrears.  If  long  illness  comes,  and  no  relative  can  be  called  on  for 
help,  the  burden  of  support  falls  squarely  on  the  community  at 
large.  Old  age,  as  well  as  illness,  has  a sinister  aspect  for  the  worker. 
Two  women  well  past  middle  age,  met  during  the  course  of  this 
study,  were  in  a pitiable  condition.  With  slight  earning  powers  they 
were  really  “ adrift,”  and  unable  to  hope  for  any  improvement  in 

1 Two  women  did  not  give  the  reason  for  their  unemployment. 

2 Andrews,  Irene  Osgood:  The  Relation  of  Irregular  Employment  to  the  Living  Wage  for  Women, 
Fourth  Report  of  the  New  York  Factory  Investigating  Commission,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  497-635.  Regularity  of 
Employment  in  the  Women’s  Ready-to-Wear  Garment  Industries,  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau 
of  Labor  Statistics,  No.  183. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  89 


conditions.  Like  the  man,  the  woman  in  industry  is  “scrapped” 
when  she  has  reached  an  age  at  which  a woman  in  the  professions 
is  nearing  the  very  highest  of  her  working  powers.  Illness,  old  age 
and  the  privations  of  dull  seasons  are  all  hard  enough  for  members 
of  a family  group;  women  deprived  of  the  safeguard  which  numbers 
assure  feel  that  the  situation  as  it  stands  is  really  hopeless. 

Of  the  21  women  whose  wages  were  below  $6  a week,  7 were  part- 
time  workers  and  2,  day  workers.  Twelve  were  working  regular 
hours  at  regular  occupations,  so  that  the  sums  they  earned  repre- 
sented normal  incomes.  Eleven  of  the  group  were  forty  years  of  age 
or  over.  The  expenditure  for  these  workers  is  entirely  abnormal. 
Those  whose  wages  were  less  than  $5  spent  143.5  per  cent,  of  their 
income  for  board  and  rent;  those  receiving  $5  and  less  than  $6 
spent  85.7  per  cent,  of  the  amount  they  earned  for  these  living 
expenses.  The  former  were  subsidized  by  relatives,  friends  or  the 
community  at  large,  or  were  using  up  small  savings;  the  latter, 
spending  nine-tenths  of  all  they  earned  on  food  and  rent,  were 
evidently  potential  receivers  of  charitable  aid.  Is  it  not  reasonable 
to  assume  that  on  wages  of  less  than  $6  a week  no  woman  living 
away  from  her  family  is  really  self-supporting?  She  is  either  a bur- 
den on  the  community  already,  or  will  become  a burden  when  over- 
taken by  the  slightest  misfortune,  or  when  she  reaches  an  age  when 
her  productive  powers  begin  to  weaken.  No  matter  how  great  her 
ingenuity  in  making  ends  meet,  she  is  sure  to  fail  at  last.  And  the 
income  of  $6  a week  must  be  earned  for  every  week  in  the  year,  if 
it  is  to  be  sufficient  to  cover  the  most  imperative  needs  of  living. 
The  two-thirds  of  income  spent  for  board  and  room  by  the  women 
earning  from  $6  to  $8  a week  (Table  34)  allows  too  narrow  a margin 
to  permit  of  either  dull  season  or  of  even  a few  weeks’  unemploy- 
ment. 


Variety  of  Food  eaten  in  One  Week  by  Working  Women 

LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES. 

The  increased  expenditure  for  food  accompanying  increased  wages 
is  spent  in  securing  a larger  variety  in  the  weekly  menu.  If  coffee 
and  tea  be  omitted  from  the  list  of  foods  consumed,  this  increase  in 
variety  is  fairly  regular  (Table  39).  Protein  consumption  varies  the 
least  from  wage  group  to  wage  group.  Foods  characterized  by  car- 


90 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


bohydrates  and  by  minerals  become  increasingly  important  in  the 
higher  wage  groups.  Contrary  to  the  general  impression,  working 
women  seem  to  care  very  little  for  pickles,  the  average  number  re- 
ported representing  about  one  serving  in  ten  weeks.  The  consumption 
of  cocoa  and  of  milk  depends  very  little  on  the  wages  received.  Soup 
shows  a general  tendency  to  become  more  popular  as  women  earn 
larger  wages.  . The  total  variety  of  food  is  really  surprisingly  large; 
the  average  number  of  items  in  the  menus  for  one  week  is  about  70, 
and  this  average  is  reached  when  a woman  begins  to  earn  $10  a week. 
As  has  been  shown  (Table  31)  the  amount  expended  for  food  in- 
creased very  greatly  between  the  groups  earning  from  $6  to  $8  and 
from  $8  to  $10,  respectively.  This  increase  in  expenditure  means  a 
more  satisfying  variety.  The  large  increase  in  the  variety  of  food 
consumed  by  women  earning  $16  to  $18  may  be  due  to  personal 
idiosyncrasy,  since  the  number  of  schedules  tabulated  for  this  wage 
group  was  small.  If  the  group  of  food  items  be  considered  as  a whole, 
one-fifth  of  all  the  foods  consumed  in  a week  were  characterized  by 
protein,  more  than  two-fifths  by  carbohydrates,  one-fourth  by 
minerals,  and  the  remainder  were  divided  among  soup,  cocoa  and 
milk. 

Protein  food  was  eaten  about  twice  a day  by  all  the  women.  The 
consumption  of  meat  was  large,  an  average  of  8 times  a week.  No 
large  group  had  meat  less  than  once  a day.  Beef  was  eaten  about 
the  same  number  of  times  by  women  in  all  wage  groups.  The  con- 
sumption of  pork,  including  bacon  and  ham,  was  largest  in  the  group 
receiving  the  lowest  wage.  Although  fish  is  cheap  and  plentiful  in 
Boston,  it  was  eaten  on  an  average  somewhat  less  than  once  a week, 
about  as  frequently  as  mutton.  Eggs,  which  were  high  in  price  at 
the  time  the  schedules  were  obtained,  were  mentioned  as  often  as 
beef.  The  women  reported  eating  beans  about  once  a week  and 
cheese  somewhat  less  than  once  in  two  weeks. 

The  consumption  of  carbohydrate  food  increased  with  the  increase 
in  wages.  Not  until  a woman  earned  $8  a week  did  she  reach  the 
average,  somewhat  over  4 times  a day.  Bread,  eaten  at  6 meals  out 
of  7,  formed  the  largest  part  of  this  kind  of  food.  It  furnished  one- 
third  of  the  total  variety  eaten  by  the  lowest  paid  women  and  one- 
fifth  of  the  variety  eaten  by  the  best  paid.  While  all  kinds  of  bread 
were  reported,  white  bread  was  regarded  by  most  of  the  women  as  a 
staple.  Cereals,  including  ordinary  breakfast  foods  and  rice,  were 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  91 


mentioned  somewhat  less  than  3 times  a week.  Their  use  increased 
as  wages  grew  larger.  Several  women  keeping  house  in  their  rooms 
cooked  their  oatmeal  in  the  evening,  reheating  it  next  morning 
while  they  were  dressing.  In  the  group  of  women  earning  $16  and 
less  than  $18,  carbohydrate  food  was  to  some  extent  substituted  for 
protein  food.  These  women  showed  an  especial  liking  for  cereals 
and  cake.  Macaroni  was  seldom  reported  by  any  of  the  women. 
Sweets  of  all  kinds  appeared  on  the  menus  about  10  times  a week. 
Cake  formed  from  5 to  7 per  cent,  of  the  total  variety,  pastry 


Table  38.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Tea  and  Coffee  by  Two  Hundred 
and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups. 


Weekly  Wages. 

Number  of 
Women 
reporting. 

Average  Number  op  Times  a Week 
the  Women  drank — 

Both 

Beverages. 

Tea. 

Coffee. 

Total, 

261 

13.1 

7.4 

5.7 

Less  than  $6, 

21 

14.3 

10.3 

4.0 

$6  and  less  than  $8, 

31 

12.1 

8.0 

4.1 

$8  and  less  than  $10,  .... 

61 

16.3 

11.5 

4.8 

$10  and  less  than  $12,  .... 

33 

13.4 

7.2 

6.2 

$12  and  less  than  $14 

30 

13.4 

5.5 

7.9 

$14  and  less  than  $16,  .... 

31 

11.7 

6.0 

5.7 

$16  and  less  than  $18,  . . 

14 

8.0 

1.7 

6.3 

$18  and  more, 

35 

10.5 

3.9 

6.6 

Not  reported,  ...... 

5 

10.6 

.3 

10.3 

from  3 to  4 per  cent.  Because  of  their  relatively  high  price,  desserts, 
including  puddings  and  ices,  were  eaten  more  by  the  high-wage  than 
by  the  low-wage  group.  Women  receiving  less  than  $6  a week 
bought  desserts  about  once  a week,  while  those  receiving  $16  or  more 
ate  them  5 times.  The  favorite  form  of  pastry  was  apple  pie,  often 
used  as  the  main  dish  at  luncheon.  In  the  $16  to  $18  wage  group 
the  average  consumption  of  all  sweets  was  twice  a day;  in  the  lowest 
wage  group  they  were  mentioned  once  a day  (Table  41). 

The  largest  variations  were  found  in  the  consumption  of  vegetables 
and  fruit  (Table  42).  Women  in  the  low-wage  groups  ate  few 
vegetables  except  potatoes.  Like  bread  and  meat,  potatoes  were 
eaten  with  similar  frequency  by  women  of  all  wage  groups.  The 
use  of  other  vegetables  increased  steadily  with  increasing  income. 
Salads  appear  about  once  a week  on  the  menus  of  women  earning  $14 
or  more.  Much  has  been  written  about  the  value  of  fruit  to  workers. 
The  diets  of  working  women  interviewed  for  this  study  indicated  that 


Table  39.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range 
of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups. 


92 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  93 


the  dissemination  of  this  information  has  had  the  desired  result,  since 
fruit  of  some  kind  appeared  on  the  menu  six  days  out  of  seven  in 
the  average  of  the  total  group.  Women  earning  $16  or  more  a week 
were  the  largest  users  of  fresh  fruits.  Cooked  fruits  show  consider- 
able fluctuation  in  the  different  wage  groups,  with  a general  tendency 
toward  a gradual  increase  with  larger  wages. 

Coffee  and  tea,  having  little  food  value,  were  omitted  from  the 
general  discussion  of  diet.  They  do,  however,  form  a substantial 
part  of  the  total  variety  (Table  38).  Coffee  is  used  more  extensively 
and  tea  less  extensively  as  wages  increase.  Coffee  is  more  expensive 
and  harder  to  prepare  than  tea,  and  is  usually  thought  to  require 
cream.  Its  use  in  the  low-wage  group  is,  therefore,  restricted.  The 
consumption  of  the  two  beverages  taken  together  tends  to  become 
less  as  the  women  earn  higher  wages. 

The  diets  of  the  very  low-wage  working  women  showed  excessive 
consumption  of  bread  and  tea,  a large  use  of  potatoes,  small  use  of 
other  vegetables  and  of  fruit,  and  lower  consumption  of  protein. 
When  wages  reach  a higher  level,  a general  increase  in  variety  is 
noticeable.  Protein  consumption  tends  to  remain  stationary,  con- 
sumption of  fruits,  vegetables  and  sweets  increases. 

Dietary  Habits  of  the  Women  Studied. 

Working  women  who  do  light  housekeeping  often  purchase  the 
noon  meal  at  a restaurant,  making  this  the  substantial  part  of  the 
day’s  food.  Others  prefer  a very  light  luncheon,  and  eat  dinner  in 
the  evening.  Sunday  dinner,  usually  at  noon,  shows  the  greatest 
variety  of  food,  especially  vegetables,  of  any  meal  eaten  during  the 
week.  Sunday  breakfast,  also,  presumably  because  it  may  be  eaten 
in  a more  leisurely  fashion  than  week-day  breakfasts,  differs  from 
them  in  variety.  Many  working  women  eat  a morning  meal  closely 
resembling  a “continental”  rather  than  the  traditional  American 
breakfast.  Only  one  woman  interviewed  omitted  breakfast  regu- 
larly. Ninety-six  women  drank  no  coffee  for  breakfast.  The  women 
who  had  it  drank  it  an  average  of  six  mornings  out  of  seven. 
One  hundred  and  seventy-nine  women  mentioned  no  tea  for  the 
morning  meal;  the  others  used  it  an  average  of  six  mornings  of  the 
week.  Some  women  who  cared  for  neither  coffee  nor  tea  liked  milk, 
cocoa  or  coffee  substitutes.  Only  12  women  reported  no  beverage  of 
any  kind  in  the  morning.  The  rest  drank  something  practically 


Table  40.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of 
Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families , by  Wage  Groups. 


94 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


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Weekly  Wages. 

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Less  than  $6, 

$6  and  less  than  $8, 

$8  and  less  than  $10, 

$10  and  less  than  $12, 

$12  and  less  than  $14, 

$14  and  less  than  $16, 

$16  and  less  than  $18, 

$18  and  more,  .... 

Not  reported, 

Table  41.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range 
of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups. 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  95 


i 


96 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


every  morning.  The  beverage  and  bread  of  some  kind  formed  the 
breakfast  of  many  of  the  women  interviewed.  Only  6 reported  no 
bread  for  breakfast;  the. rest  mentioned  it  every  morning.  Some- 
what more  than  half  the  women,  137,  ate  no  cereal  in  the  morning. 
Evidently  even  the  attractive  advertising  of  breakfast-food  con- 
cerns and  the  ease  with  which  many  of  these  cereals  can  be  prepared 
do  not  serve  to  make  their  use  universal. 

Meat,  fish  or  eggs  were  used  at  breakfast  by  about  three-fourths 
(72.4  per  cent.)  of  the  workers.  Seventy-two  reported  no  one  of  these 
articles  used  at  breakfast  during  the  week.  The  rest  had  one  or  the 
other  of  them,  and  sometimes  more  than  one,  six  mornings  out  of 
seven.  Three-fourths  of  the  women  in  professional  service  and  in 
trade  and  transportation,  and  two-thirds  of  those  in  other  occupa- 
tions, ate  the  “ heavy”  breakfast  indicated  by  the  consumption  of 
meat  or  other  protein  food.  Forty-five  reported  the  use  of  potatoes. 
One  hundred  and  forty-six  women  used  no  fruit  of  any  kind  in  the 
morning.  The  largest  number  of  these  were  in  manufacturing  and 
mechanical  occupations  in  which  the  working  day  begins  early. 
Almost  all  the  women  in  professional  pursuits  and  in  domestic  and 
personal  service,  and  half  of  those  in  trade  and  transportation,  had 
fruit  for  breakfast.  A number  of  local  customs  were  revealed  by  the 
inquiry;  47  of  the  women  reported  having  doughnuts,  34  baked  beans 
and  5 pie  in  the  morning.  Doughnuts  are  served  regularly  in  many 
families,  and  Sunday  morning  breakfast  is  considered  quite  incom- 
plete by  many  if  beans  are  not  the  principal  dish.  Pie  for  breakfast, 
at  least  among  working  women  in  Boston,  seems  to  be  more  of  a 
tradition  than  a reality.  Most  of  the  women  interviewed  ate  a 
substantial  and  nourishing,  if  somewhat  monotonous,  breakfast,  the 
choice  of  food  conforming  to  habits  and  tradition  rather  than  to  in- 
telligent selection. 

Some  discussion  of  individual  menus  for  a week  may  be  of  interest 
exhibiting  more  concretely  the  variety  of  food  eaten.  Case  A was  a 
Russian  Jewess,  nineteen  years  of  age,  earning  $6.50  a week  as  a 
candy  packer.  She  spent  $1.25  a week  for  room  and  $2.25  for  meals. 
She  prepared  her  own  breakfasts  and  lunches  and  ate  her  dinner  at  a 
boarding  house.  Her  menus  for  the  week  of  Jan.  30,  1916,  were  as 
follows:  — 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  97 


Breakfast. 

Lunch. 

Dinner. 

Monday, 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Cream  cheese  sandwich. 
Orange. 

Apple. 

Fried  meat. 

Potatoes. 

Beans. 

Tuesday, 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

American  cheese  sandwich. 
Orange. 

Meat. 

Soup. 

Potatoes. 

Bread. 

Wednesday, 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Egg  sandwich. 
Orange. 

Cooked  meat. 
Soup. 

Beans. 

Thursday,  . 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Salmon  sandwich. 
Orange. 

Apple. 

Fried  meat. 
Potatoes. 

Friday, 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Salmon  sandwich. 
Orange. 

Fish. 

Cooked  meat.  , 
Beans. 

Saturday,  . 

Tea. 

Cake. 

Beef. 

Soup. 

Orange. 

Baked  potatoes. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Tea. 

Sunday, 

Orange. 

Cocoa. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Fried  meat. 
Soup. 

Tea. 

Fried  egg. 
Milk. 

Case  B was  a salesgirl  of  English  parentage.  She  earned  $8.50 
a week  in  a department  store,  and  spent  SI  a week  for  her  room 
and  S3. 95  for  board,  including  lunches  at  a restaurant.  Her  other 
meals  she  ate  at  a boarding  house.  Her  menu  for  the  week  ending 
March  22,  1916,  was  as  follows:  — 


Breakfast. 

Lunch. 

Dinner. 

Thursday, 

Oatmeal. 

Beans. 

Fruit. 

Toast. 

Rolls. 

Hash. 

Tea. 

Pudding. 

Pickles. 

Cake. 

Tea. 

Friday 

Oatmeal. 

Creamed  carrots. 

Baked  macaroni. 

Toast. 

Potatoes. 

Tomato. 

Tea. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Apple  pie. 

Fruit  cake. 
Tea. 

Saturday, 

Oatmeal.' 

Fish  cakes. 

Beef  stew. 

Toast. 

Mashed  potatoes. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Tea. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Cake. 

Custard  pie. 

Tea. 

Sunday,  .... 

Grapefruit. 

Boiled  dinner. 

Beans. 

Chops. 

Hot  biscuit. 

Bread. 

Beans. 

Rice  pudding. 

Peaches. 

Bread. 

Tea. 

Cake. 

Tea. 

Tea. 

Monday, 

Oatmeal. 

Creamed  carrots. 

Boiled  dinner. 

Toast. 

Mashed  potatoes. 

Sliced  peaches. 

Tea. 

Raised  biscuits. 

Bread. 

Apple  pie. 

Tea. 

Tuesday, 

Oatmeal. 

Beans. 

Cold  meat. 

Toast. 

Biscuits. 

Vegetables. 

Tea. 

Custard  pie. 

Tea. 

Fruit. 

Wednesday,  . 

Oatmeal. 

Clam  chow'der. 

Salmon  loaf. 

Toast. 

Bread  and  butter. 

Currant  buns. 

Tea. 

Tapioca  pudding. 

Bread. 

Tea. 

Fruit. 

Table  42.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  M inerals  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly 
Range  of  Diet  of  Two  Hundred  and  Sixty-one  Women  living  away  from  their  Families,  by  Wage  Groups. 


98 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


FOOD  OF  WOMEN  LIVING  AWAY  FROM  THEIR  FAMILIES.  99 

Certain  foods  seemed  uniformly  omitted  from  the  menus  ob- 
tained for  this  study,  among  them  cheese,  cornmeal  products,  maca- 
roni and  rice.  Cheese  is  a cheap  protein  food,  and  the  others  supply 
carbohydrates  at  a low  cost.  Their  unpopularity  may  be  due  in  part 
to  their  lack  of  distinctive  flavors  and  in  part  to  ignorance  of  their 
food  value.  One  woman  explained  that  she  considered  corn  meal  a 
“cheap”  food,  and  she  thought  cheap  foods  were  not  as  nourishing 
as  expensive  ones.  Spinach  appeared  very  seldom  on  the  menu,  and 
bacon  was  little  used.  It  is  hard  to  account  for  the  small  consump- 
tion of  fish.  Many  people  dislike  the  flavor  of  boiled  fish,  and  few 
know  how  to  make  appetizing  sauces  to  improve  this  flat  taste. 
Frying  and  broiling  seem  means  of  preparation  used  but  seldom. 

Conclusions. 

Although  the  women  living  away  from  their  homes  in  Boston  who 
were  studied  in  this  investigation  were  engaged  in  various  occupa- 
tions, and  differed  greatly  in  age  and  in  nationality,  they  had  evolved 
a real  standard  of  living  suited  to  their  needs.  As  wages  advanced, 
expenditures  for  food  and  for  rent  increased,  but  not  at  the  same 
time.  Given  a larger  income,  a working  woman  spent  it  first  for 
food,  then  for  rent.  The  average  for  both  was  attained  about  the 
time  the  wages  reached  from  $10  to  $12  a week.  No  matter  what 
her  income,  the  average  working  woman  did  not  spend  more  than 
$4.70  for  food;  in  the  matter  of  rent  she  did  not  reach  a limit  to  ex- 
penditure that  was  so  apparent;  rent  increased  as  long  as  wages 
increased.  Place  of  residence  affected  the  amount  spent  for  rent,  but 
influenced  to  no  great  extent  the  expenditure  for  food. 

Wages  of  $6  a week  will  cover  the  average  amounts  spent  for  food 
and  shelter,  but  will  leave  nothing  for  clothing,  medical  care,  recrea- 
tions and  incidentals.  With  an  income  of  $8  to  $10  a woman  can 
live  in  accordance  with  the  standards  of  an  ordinary  working-class 
family.  Women  doing  all  of  their  own  cooking  spent  the  least  for 
food;  those  living  at  restaurants  spent  the  most.  Working  women 
forced  to  economize  saved  on  service  at  every  turn;  they  did  their 
own  washing  and  bought  and  prepared  their  own  food.  This  saving 
on  service  was  effected  at  the  expense  of  physical  energy  at  the  close 
of  a working*  day,  which  is  usually  longest  for  the  lowest  paid  and 
necessarily  most  economical  worker.  While  co-operative  housekeep- 


100 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


ing  offers  obvious  financial  advantages,  there  were  found  but  few 
working  women  who  adopted  this  fashion  of  living. 

Judged  by  variety  alone,  the  food  of  working  women  of  all  wage 
groups  was  adequate.  Protein  food  was  consumed  practically  the 
same  number  of  times  a week  by  all  women  except  those  in  the 
group  earning  less  than  $6  a week.  The  use  of  sweets  and  vegetables 
increased  with  better  wages,  making  the  total  variety  eaten  much 
larger  in  the  high  than  in  the  low  wage  groups.  The  standard 
dietary  was  meat,  bread  and  potatoes,  which  were  consumed  with 
much  the  same  frequency  by  women  of  all  wage  groups. 

Since  women  adrift  cannot  live  as  cheaply  as  members  of  a family 
group,  family  standards  should  not  be  considered  in  attempting  to  gain 
an  understanding  of  the  woman  who  is  living  away  from  her  parents 
and  relatives.  The  need  of  a clear  comprehension  of  the  situation 
of  this  class  of  women  workers  is  apparent  when  it  is  realized  that  in 
Boston  they  form  at  least  24.4  per  cent,  of  the  whole  number  of 
women  workers,  a conservative  estimate  placing  the  number  at 
between  18,000  and  20,000.  When  their  needs  are  fully  understood 
much  of  the  present  uncertainty  with  regard  to  the  necessity  for  such 
measures  as  the  minimum  wage,  old  age  and  sickness  insurance, 
and  special  legislation  affecting  women  workers’  hours,  will  disappear. 
An  adequate  comprehension  of  the  whole  situation  must  be  reached 
by  the  woman  worker  herself  as  well  as  by  the  community  as  a 
whole. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  101 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES. 

The  purpose  of  this  part  of  the  study  is,  first,  to  discover  the  vari- 
ety, adequacy  and  cost  of  food  supplied  to  women  living  in  organ- 
ized houses  under  the  management  of  persons  interested  in  their 
welfare;  second,  to  examine  the  general  living  conditions  in  the 
different  houses;  and  third,  to  decide  whether  it  would  be  well  to 
encourage  a greater  development  of  this  method  of  providing  food 
and  lodging  for  these  women. 

Information  was  obtained  from  39  houses  of  which  22  are  in  Bos- 
ton and  vicinity  and  17  are  in  Lowell,  Lynn,  Springfield,  Waltham 
and  Wellesley,  Mass.,  and  in  New  York  City  and  Chicago.1  Of  the 
22  houses  in  Boston  and  vicinity  4 accommodate  students  only. 
These  will  be  referred  to  simply  for  comparison.  The  remaining  18, 
which  provide  accommodations  for  working  women,  will  form  the 
basis  for  this  part  of  the  study.  These  houses  may  be  classified  as 
follows:  — 

1.  Subsidized  houses  where  a part  of  the  cost  of  maintenance  is  supplied  by 
donations. 

2.  Co-operative  houses  where  all  expenses  are  shared  by  the  occupants. 

3.  Houses  which  are  self-supporting  but  not  commercial. 

4.  Commercial  houses,  or  those  where  a profit  is  expected. 

1.  There  are  13  houses  in  Boston  and  vicinity  which  belong  to  the 
first  class.  They  are  designated  as  subsidized,  since  they  pay  no 
taxes  and  depend  upon  assistance  from  philanthropic  individuals 
when  the  income  from  guests  is  insufficient  to  cover  all  expenses. 
Historically  these  represent  the  first  type  of  organized  houses. 
Their  foundation  dates  back  to  the  days  of  the  early  factory  system, 
wrhen  the  owners  of  large  factories  in  small  towns  were  compelled  to 
provide  homes  for  the  young  women  whom  they  induced  to  come 
from  the  country  districts  to  work  in  their  mills.  The  houses  were 
under  the  supervision  of  the  factory  owners,  who  dictated  to  the  per- 
sons in  charge  the  prices  of  room  and  board  and  the  rules  of  manage- 
ment. 


1 For  form  of  inquiry,  see  Appendix  A,  No.  4. 


102 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


The  boarding  house  established  by  the  Waltham  Watch  Factory 
about  fifty  years  ago  is  the  only  house  of  this  kind  that  was  visited. 
In  this  house,  which  is  in  charge  of  a matron,  about  300  women  are 
accommodated.  Room  and  board  are  furnished  at  S3  per  week. 
While  this  amount  does  not  cover  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  house, 
the  authorities  consider  it  a paying  investment.  When  rates  as  low 
as  these  are  charged  the  women  are  not  likely  to  seek  accommodations 
elsewhere.  This  enables  the  factory  to  have  close  supervision  over 
its  women  employees. 

The  factory  boarding  house  has  never  existed  in  Boston.  It  was 
not  until  the  period  of  the  civil  war  that  the  establishment  of  organ- 
ized houses  for  working  women  was  agitated.  With  the  scarcity  of 
male  labor  due  to  the  war,  women  came  in  large  numbers  to  Boston. 
Because  of  low  wages  and  being  unacquainted  with  the  city  they 
were  often  compelled  to  live  under  deplorable  conditions.  Through 
missionary  relief  work  these  facts  were  brought  to  the  attention  of  a 
group  of  philanthropic  women.  After  many  discouragements  these 
women  succeeded  in  raising  sufficient  money  in  1866  to  establish  the 
first  boarding  house  for  working  women  in  Boston.  The  object  of 
this  was  to  “ provide  for  the  temporal,  moral  and  religious  welfare  of 
young  women  who  are  dependent  on  their  own  exertions  for  sup- 
port.”1 Following  this  example  similar  houses  were  established  by 
religious  organizations  and  philanthropic  individuals  until  1906, 
when  there  were  12  subsidized  houses  in  Boston  and  vicinity  which 
offered  accommodations  to  working  women. 

2.  About  this  time  there  seems  to  have  been  a feeling  on  the  part 
of  some  that  subsidized  houses  were  not  the  best  type  of  boarding 
home.  This  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the  second  class,  of 
which  there  are  2 in  Boston.  One  was  opened  in  1906  and  the  other 
in  1913.  These  houses  are  managed  co-operatively,  the  expenses  as 
well  as  the  responsibility  of  management  being  shared  by  the  occu- 
pants. They  aim  to  be  entirely  self-supporting,  paying  taxes  as  well 
as  all  other  expenses. 

3.  A third  class,  differing  slightly  from  the  first  and  second,  also 
had  its  beginning  about  1906.  These  houses  were  founded  by  a cor- 
poration or  group  of  individuals  for  the  purpose  of  providing  self- 
supporting  homes  for  students  and  working  women.  As  no  returns 
on  the  investments  are  expected,  the  prices  charged  cover  the  cost  of 

1 Wilson,  Elizabeth:  Fifty  Years  of  Association  Work,  pp.  29,  32. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  103 


maintenance  only,  except  in  the  case  of  2,  which  also  pay  taxes.  At 
present  there  are  5 houses  of  this  class  in  Boston;  one  of  these  ac- 
commodates working  women,  the  others  students  only.  Similar  ex- 
periments are  being  made  by  the  Eleanor  Association  in  Chicago  and 
by  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association  in  Brooklyn  and  in 
New  York  City. 

4.  To  the  fourth  class  belong  the  houses  which  have  been  estab- 
lished for  commercial  purposes.  There  are  2 of  these  in  Boston, 
which  are  occupied  for  the  most  part  by  professional  women  who  pay 
higher  prices  than  the  average  working  woman  can  afford. 


Table  43.  — Capacity  of  the  Different  Types  of  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and 
Vicinity,  and  the  Number  of  Occupants  at  the  Time  of  the  Investigation. 


Types  of  Houses. 

Capacity  of 
House. 

Occupants  at  the  Time  of 
the  Investigation. 

Number. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Capacity. 

All  the  houses,  . 

2,077 

1,946 

93.7 

Subsidized, 

1,660 

1,544 

93.0 

Co-operative, 

61 

60 

98.4 

Non-commercial, 

61 

61 

100.0 

Commercial, 

295 

281 

95.3 

Women  living  in  Organized  Houses. 

The  18  organized  houses  in  Boston  and  vicinity  wdiich  furnish  the 
basis  of  this  study  provide  accommodations  for  2,077  women,  the 
number  in  the  different  houses  varying  from  14  to  850  persons. 
When  the  visits  were  made  only  93.7  per  cent,  of  these  accommoda- 
tions were  utilized.  As  is  shown  in  Table  43  the  subsidized  houses 
have  the  smallest  percentage,  which  is  no  doubt  the  maximum,  since 
the  visits  were  made  during  the  winter  months  when  the  number  of 
guests  is  usually  the  largest.  In  a similar  study  recently  made  in 
New  York  City  the  percentage  of  accommodations  utilized  is  about 
the  same,  being  93.6  per  cent.1 

Of  the  total  number  of  women  living  in  the  18  Boston  houses  it 
will  be  seen  in  Table  44,  that  15.8  per  cent,  are  students,  40.9  per 

1 Packard,  Estherf  A Study  of  Living  Conditions  of  Self-supporting  Women  in  New  York  City,  p. 
19. 


104 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


cent,  are  engaged  in  occupations  which  belong  to  the  general  class  of 
trade  and  transportation,  while  only  13.9  per  cent,  are  engaged  in 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits.  According  to  the  United 
States  Census  for  1900  and  1910  the  total  number  of  women  engaged 
in  manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits  in  Boston  is  larger  than 
the  number  in  trade  and  transportation.  Table  45  shows  that  only 


Table  44.  — Occupations  of  Women  living  in  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and 

Vicinity . 


Women  living  in  Organ- 

ized Houses. 

Occupations. 

Number. 

* 

Per  Cent. 

All  occupations, 

l,719i 

100.0 

Professional  sendee,  

347 

20.2 

Teachers  and  musicians, 

79 

4.6 

Trained  nurses, 

232 

13.5 

Other  professional  service,  ......... 

36 

2.1 

Domestic  and  personal  service, 

157 

9.2 

Laundresses, 

2 

.1 

Servants, 

99 

5.8 

Other  domestic  service, 

56 

3.3 

Trade  and  transportation, 

703 

40.9 

Office  work, 

543 

31.5 

Saleswomen,  

118 

6.9 

Telephone  operators, 

41 

2.4 

Other  occupations, 

1 

.1 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits, 

240 

13.9 

Confectionery, 

2 

.1 

Clothing  manufacturing, 

70 

4.1 

Dressmaking,  millinery,  etc., 

119 

6.9 

Printing  and  publishing, 

35 

2.0 

Other  manufacturing  pursuits, 

14 

.8 

Students,  

272 

15.8 

21.6  per  cent,  of  the  women  in  trade  and  transportation  live  away 
from  their  families,  while  the  percentage  of  women  living  thus  who 
are  engaged  in  manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits  is  24.5  per 
cent.  It  was  also  found  in  an  investigation  of  1,086  establishments  in 
8 Massachusetts  industries  belonging  to  these  classes  that  53  per 
cent,  of  all  the  female  employees  earned  less  than  $8.1  2 

About  18  per  cent,  of  the  residents  living  in  the  subsidized  houses 
earned  less  than  $8.  It  will  be  seen  that  Institution  One  (Table  46), 

1 The  occupations  were  not  reported  for  224,  and  3 were  unemployed;  these  must  be  added  in  order 
to  make  the  total  of  1,946  found  in  the  organized  houses  at  the  time  of  this  investigation. 

2 Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  January,  1916,  Bulletin  No.  11,  p.  9; 
table  computed  from  data  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics,  Statistics 
of  Manufactures  for  the  Year  1913,  pp.  2-11;  84-123. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  105 


Table  45.  — The  Proportion  of  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  over  in  Selected 
Occupations  in  Boston,  living  away  from  their  Families  in  1900  and  in  1910. 


Occupations. 

Total  Number  of 
Women  in  — 

Women  living  away  from 
their  Families.1 

1900. 2 

1910. 3 

Number 

in  1900. 

Per  Cent. 

Esti- 

mated 

Number 

in  1910. 4 

All  the  occupations, 

45,882 

68,733 

12,372 

27.0 

18,612 

Professional  service, 

5,827 

9,365 

2,873 

49.3 

4,618 

Domestic  and  personal  service, 

2,865 

4,178 

927 

32.4 

1,354 

Trade  and  transportation,  .... 

14,485 

24,498 

3,125 

21.6 

5,292 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits, 

16,181 

21,162 

3,969 

24.5 

5,185 

Other  occupations, 

6,524 

9,530 

1,478 

22.7 

2,163 

1 Since  the  classification  of  occupations  in  the  census  for  1910  differs  slightly  from  that  of  1900,  the 
number  of  women  who  are  shown  in  the  different  classes  as  living  away  from  their  families  is  an  approxi- 
mation. 

2 Twelfth  United  States  Census,  1900,  Statistics  of  Women  at  Work,  p.  222. 

3 Thirteenth  United  States  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  540,  541. 

4 An  estimate  based  on  the  number  of  women  in  the  different  occupations  shown  by  the  census  of 
1910,  assuming  that  the  percentage  of  women  living  away  from  their  families  in  1910  was  the  same  as  in 
1900. 

Table  46.  — Weekly  Earnings  of  Eight  Hundred  and  Eighteen  Women  living  in 
Seven  Subsidized  Houses.1 


Women  earning  — 


Houses. 

UNDER  $8. 

UNDER  $12. 

UNDER  $16. 

$16  AND  OVER. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
j ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

All  the  houses,  .... 

147 

18.0 

709 

87.0 

805 

98.8 

10 

1.2 

Institution  One,  .... 

- 

- 

3 

9.1 

31 

93.9 

2 

6.1 

Institution  Two,  .... 

10 

22.2 

43 

95.6 

45 

100.0 

- 

- 

Institution  Three, 2 

31 

100.0 

31 

100.0 

31 

100.0 

- 

- 

Institution  Four,  .... 

71 

12.2 

520 

89.0 

576 

98.6 

8 

1.4 

Institution  Five,  .... 

6 

12.0 

46 

92.0 

50 

100.0 

- 

- 

Institution  Six,  .... 

10 

22.2 

39 

86.7 

45 

100.0 

- 

- 

Institution  Seven, 3 

19 

70.4 

27 

100.0 

27 

100.0 

- 

- 

1 The  total  number  of  women  living  in  the  7 houses  was  1,072,  of  whom  232  were  students,  4 were 
out  of  work  and  for  18  there  were  no  data. 

2 In  this  house  wages  range  from  $4.50  to  $7  per  week. 

3 In  this  house  wages  were  reported  as  ranging  from  $4  to  $10  per  week.  The  distribution  has  been 

estimated  by  classifying  the  occupations  of  residents. 


106 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


which  is  a heavily  subsidized  house,  has  no  guest  who  earns  less  than 
$8  per  week,  and  only  9 per  cent,  of  all  the  guests  earn  less  than  $12 
per  week.  Institution  Seven  is  also  heavily  subsidized,  but  none  of 
its  guests  earns  over  $10,  and  some  earn  as  low  as  $4  per  week.  In- 
stitution Three  is  subsidized  to  the  extent  of  $1,275  per  guest  per 
week,  but  it  will  not  accept  any  person  who  earns  more  than  $7,  and 
it  has  guests  who  earn  only  $4.50  per  week.  While  such  assistance  is 
needed  by  some  residents  of  these#  houses,  it  is  evident  that  the  ma- 
jority earn  wages  which  would  make  self-support  possible. 

While  the  majority  of  persons  living  in  the  organized  houses  are 
not  those  who  receive  low  wages,  they  are  the  younger  working 
women.  Since  there  w^ere  no  complete  records  regarding  the  exact 
ages  of  the  guests,  it  was  not  possible  to  determine  their  average  age. 
However,  it  is  estimated  that  most  of  them  are  between  twenty  and 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  a few  being  older  and  some  younger.  This  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  many  of  the  houses  do  not  take  women  who  are 
over  thirty  or  thirty-five. 

Food  supplied  in  the  Boston  Houses. 

In  the  efforts  which  were  made  to  discover  the  food  supplied  to 
the  1,946  women  living  in  the  18  organized  houses,  both  personal 
visits  and  schedules  to  be  filled  in  by  those  in  charge  were  used.  In 
addition  to  the  general  information  shown  in  Table  47  the  schedules 
called  for  the  amount  of  raw  food  materials  furnished  during  one 
week,  the  menus  and  the  total  number  of  people  served  for  the  same  ! 
period.  While  8 of  the  houses  supplied  complete  information,  part  of 
it  was  estimated  by  the  persons  in  charge. 

In  all  of  the  houses  there  was  lack  of  an  adequate  system  of  book- 
keeping. In  some  of  them  no  records  whatever  were  kept  regarding 
the  amount  of  materials  used,  nor  of  the  exact  number  of  people 
served  at  each  meal.  In  addition  to  these  difficulties  it  was  some- 
times hard  to  gain  any  information  because  the  persons  in  charge  did  j 
not  seem  to  realize  the  semi-public  character  of  the  houses.  Pub- 
licity of  facts  was  feared  and  a general  dislike  for  statistics  was  ex- 
pressed. On  these  grounds  information  was  refused.  In  several 
cases  at  least  six  visits  had  to  be  made  before  the  desired  data  could 
be  obtained. 

Much  less  difficulty  was  experienced  in  finding  the  variety  of  the 
food  served.  Menus  showing  a week’s  bill  of  fare  were  obtained  from 


Table  47.  — The  Purpose  and  Management  of  Eighteen  Organized  Houses  offering  Accommodations  to  Working  Women  in  Boston  and 

Vicinity. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  107 


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This  number  includes  employees,  which  average  150.  2 Number  accommodated  at  the  time  of  the  investigation. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  109 

all  except  2 of  the  18  houses.  From  one  of  these  menus  for  14  meals 
were  obtained;  from  the  other  only  one  day’s  bill  of  fare  was  secured. 
The  menus  for  Wednesday  of  the  week  reported  by  each  house  are 
presented  in  Table  48.  Since  these  menus  do  not  include  any  special 
meals,  such  as  might  be  served  on  holidays,  it  is  felt  they  are  typical 
of  the  variety  of  food  supplied  in  the  several  houses. 

In  a comparison  of  the  meals  served  in  the  large  and  small  as  well  as 
in  the  high  and  low  priced  houses,  it  is  surprising  to  find  how  slight 
is  the  variation,  the  chief  difference  being  that  the  large  and  high-priced 
houses  serve  a greater  variety  at  each  meal,  permitting  a choice  of 
cereals,  soups,  fish  and  meats,  and  in  some  cases  a choice  of  desserts. 
Soups  as  well  as  fruits  and  vegetables  out  of  season  are  furnished  in 
the  more  expensive  houses.  Those  charging  an  average  price  of  less 
than  $4  supply  meat  from  11  to  19  times  per  week,  and  those  charg- 
ing the  highest  rates  offer  it  from  11  to  21  times.  The  meats  fur- 
nished consist  chiefly  of  beef,  both  fresh  and  corned,  and  lamb,  and  9 
of  the  more  expensive  houses  supply  chicken  once  a week.  Fish  is 
served  in  most  of  the  houses  at  least  4 times  a week.  Since  the  cost 
of  meat  is  so  much  higher  in  Boston  than  in  other  large  cities  of  the 
United  States  (Table  4)  it  would  be  better  to  buy  less  meat  and  sub- 
stitute in  its  place  the  more  frequent  use  of  cheese  and  eggs.  It  is 
surprising  to  note  that  only  5 houses  served  cheese,  and  in  only  one 
of  these  is  it  served  more  than  once  a week.  While  most  of  the 
houses  supply  eggs  once  or  twice  a week,  3 of  those  charging  the 
higher  rates  serve  them  from  5 to  10  times,  and  3 of  the  least 
expensive  houses  do  not  furnish  them  at  all.  However,  it  is  probable 
that  all  supply  eggs  more  frequently  when  they  are  not  so  high  in 
price. 

Both  fresh  and  canned  fruits  are  served  in  all  but  one  of  the 
houses;  9 serve  dried  fruits,  such  as  prunes,  apricots  and  peaches, 
and  in  7 of  these  they  are  served  only  once  a week.  The  least  expen- 
sive houses  offer  fruit  of  some  kind  from  6 to  8 times  a week;  the 
most  expensive  serve  it  from  9 to  12  times,  and  one  house  charging 
an  intermediate  price  serves  it  only  once  a week.  Apples  in  some 
form  or  other  are  the  chief  kind  of  fresh  fruit  offered,  and  in  a few 
cases  oranges,  bananas,  grapes  and  grapefruit  are  supplied. 

All  of  the  houses  serve  white  potatoes  from  8 to  14  times  a week, 
other  vegetables  from  6 to  23  times,  and  10  of  them  furnish  sweet  po- 
tatoes once  or  twice  a week.  The  kinds  of  vegetables  supplied  during 


Table  48.  — The  Cost  and  Variety  of  Food  served  in  Twenty  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity. 


110 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN 


IN 


BOSTON. 


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2 This  house  serves  15  meals  a week;  the  others  serve  21  meals. 

3 First  annual  report  not  yet  published. 

4 Insufficient  data. 


Table  48.  — The  Cost  and  Variety  of  Food  served  in  Twenty  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity  — Concluded. 


112 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


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5.8 

Average 
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Raw  Food 
Materials 
per  Person 
per  Meal. 

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Average 
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per  Meal. 

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80 

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96 

81 

Average 
Cost  per 
Capita 
per  Week. 

1 1 " 1 1 " 

Amount 
charged 
per  Week 
for 

Room  and 
Board. 

7 90 
7 75-15 

6 50-10 

8-10 
9 56 
9 56 

Houses. 

Student  Houses. 
Institution  Fifteen, 

Institution  Sixteen, 

Institution  Seventeen,  . 

Institution  Eighteen, 
Institution  Nineteen, 
Institution  Twenty, 

1 Insufficient  data,  2 No  data, 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  113 

one  week  in  the  several  houses  vary  in  number  from  5 to  13.  They 
consist  chiefly  of  string  beans,  peas,  tomatoes,  corn,  squash,  celery, 
onions  and  carrots,  and  baked  beans  are  served  from  1 to  4 times  a 
week  in  all  except  2 houses.  Salads  are  used  in  15  of  the  houses 
from  1 to  9 times  a week;  the  more  expensive  houses  frequently  offer 
them  in  the  place  of  vegetables.  In  9 houses  macaroni  is  also  used 
as  a substitute  for  vegetables  once  or  twice  a week. 

Hot  cereals  are  served  for  breakfast  by  all,  and  in  8 houses  both 
hot  and  cold  cereals  are  offered.  The  kind  of  bread  supplied  cannot 
be  discussed,  since  none  of  the  houses  furnished  complete  information 
regarding  this.  All  of  the  houses  furnish  hot  beverages  at  least  once 
a day.  Coffee  is  served  at  every  meal  in  one  house,  in  2 houses  twice 
a day,  in  11  houses  for  breakfast  only  and  in  one  house  it  is  served 
only  once  a week  as  a special  treat.  Two  houses  do  not  serve  any 
tea;  the  others  offer  it  from  3 to  21  times  a week.  In  11  of  the 
houses  milk  may  be  had  at  all  meals.  The  amount  of  food  which  will 
be  served  to  each  person  at  regular  meals  is  not  limited  in  any  house. 
Guests  are  permitted  to  have  as  many  servings  as  they  desire.  Since 
the  food  was  not  sampled  in  all  of  the  houses  the  quality  cannot  be 
discussed.  A comparison  of  the  general  variety  and  of  the  kinds  of 
food  served  at  each  meal  during  one  day  will  be  found  in  Table  48. 

Lunches  are  put  up  in  7 of  the  houses  to  be  taken  out  by  those 
who  cannot  return  during  the  noon  hour.  These  lunches  consist 
chiefly  of  sandwiches,  fruit  and  cake,  and  2 furnish  small  bottles  of 
milk.  All  aim  to  vary  from  day  to  day  the  kinds  of  sandwiches 
which  they  supply.  One  large  house  provides  a choice  of  12  different 
kinds  of  sandwiches,  crackers,  cake,  fruit  and  chocolates.  Each  arti- 
cle is  separately  priced,  and  any  combination  may  be  chosen  to  the 
amount  of  14  cents.  In  this  house  about  280  lunches  are  put  up 
daily;  of  this  number,  which  were  served  on  a particular  day,  176,  or 
63  per  cent.,  represent  choice  of  substantial  and  well-balanced 
lunches;  37  were  all  fruit  or  all  candy,  or  both  fruit  and  candy;  and 
67  were  combinations  of  crackers,  fruit,  cake  and  candy.  The  fol- 
lowing represents  a typical  lunch:  — 


1 ham  sandwich, $0.05 

1 jam  sandwich,  03 

1 orange, 03 

1 piece  nut  cake, 03 


$0.14 


114 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


These  houses  are  to  be  commended  for  their  successful  efforts  in 
securing  a good  variety  of  food.  In  a similar  study  in  New  York 
emphasis  is  placed  on  the  necessity  of  planning  meals  with  regard  to 
attractiveness  of  combinations  of  food.  “One  of  the  first  rules  to  be 
observed,”  says  this  report,  “is  to  secure  contrasts  in  color,  consist- 
ency and  flavor.”1  It  also  warns  against  serving  the  same  meats  and 
vegetables  at  two  consecutive  meals.2  To  this  might  be  added  that 
it  is  well  to  avoid  serving  similar  menus  on  the  same  days  of  consecu- 
tive weeks.  For  instance,  the  menu  which  is  offered  on  Monday 
should  not  be  the  same  as  was  served  on  Monday  of  the  previous 
week.  The  combinations  of  food  offered  from  day  to  day  in  the  sev- 
eral houses  show  that  care  has  been  taken  to  avoid  unattractiveness 
and  monotony. 


Adequacy  of  the  Food  supplied. 

Adequacy  is  perhaps  more  important  than  variety  in  the  diet  of 
working  women.  To  ascertain  whether  the  food  offered  is  adequate 
it  is  necessary  to  determine  whether  it  is  of  such  character  that 
each  person  may  have  the  proper  food  values.  The  reports  of 
the  raw  materials  used  in  preparing  the  week’s  menus  supplied 
were  utilized  for  this  purpose.  As  has  been  stated,  8 houses  fur- 
nished the  desired  data.  In  5 of  these  houses  the  quantities  were 
estimated  by  the  persons  who  planned  the  meals.  Three  of  the 
houses  gave  the  amounts  of  raw  materials  used  during  one  month. 
In  one  case  the  information  was  in  the  form  of  monthly  statements  : 
from  the  firms  which  furnish  supplies.  From  these  statements  the 
amounts  used  during  one  week  were  ascertained.  Another  house, 
having  a large  central  storeroom  from  which  all  supplies  must  be 
obtained  by  a written  daily  order,  permitted  all  the  food  orders  for  ] 
one  month  to  be  copied.  The  menus  served  during  the  same  period  l 
were  also  secured.  By  comparing  storeroom  orders  and  the  menus 
for  7 consecutive  days  it  was  easy  to  estimate  the  amount  of  raw  i 
food  materials  used  during  one  week. 

Although  every  effort  was  made  to  secure  complete  records,  the 
striking  variation  shown  in  Table  49  makes  it  doubtful  whether  the 
amounts  are  entirely  correct.  However,  the  information  thus  secured 
is  as  exact  as  could  be  obtained,  where  it  is  not  possible  to  follow  the 

1 Corbet,  Florence  R. : Dietaries  for  Charitable  Institutions,  State  Board  of  Charities,  New  York,  1906, 

p.  21. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  19. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  115 


Table  49.  — Amount  of  Protein  and  Value  of  Calories  of  Food  furnished  by 
Eight  Organized  Houses  in  Boston  and  Vicinity.  Based  on  Supplies  used 
during  One  Week. 


Average  per  Person  per  Day. 


Amount  charged  per  Week  for  Room 
and  Board. 

Grams  of 
Protein 
supplied. 

Grams 
of  Protein 
con- 
sumed. 1 

Value  in 
Calories 
of  Food 
supplied. 

Value  in 
Calories 
of  Food 
consumed. 

Institution  One,  83  for  3 meals  per  day, 

76.5 

68.9 

2,180.8 

1,962.8 

Institution  Two,  83  for  3 meals  per  day,  . 

81.0 

72.9 

2,702.7 

2,432.4 

Institution  Three,  84  to  85  for  2 meals  per  day, 

91.52 

82.42 

2,665.82 

2,399.22 

Institution  Four,  84  to  85.50  for  3 meals  per  day, 

65.1 

58.6 

1,955.3 

1,759.8 

Institution  Five,  84.50  to  85  for  3 meals  per  day, 

79.1 

71.2 

2,542.0 

2,287.8 

Institution  Six,  84.50  to  86  for  3 meals  per  day, 

111.2 

100.1 

3,722.2 

3,350.0 

Institution  Seven,  84.25  to  810  for  3 meals  per  day,  . 

106.3 

95.7 

3,045.0 

2,740.5 

Institution  Eight,  87.90  for  3 meals  per  day, 

95.9 

86.3 

2,718.0 

2,690.8 

method  used  in  certain  dietary  studies  made  in  Philadelphia  and 
Baltimore.3  In  making  these  studies  the  investigators  spent  a week 
at  each  institution.  All  stock  on  hand  at  the  beginning  of  the  week 
was  weighed  and  recorded.  An  account  was  kept  of  all  supplies 
purchased  or  taken  from  the  storeroom,  of  materials  on  hand  at  the 
end  of  the  week  and  of  the  weight  of  table  waste  each  day.  By  de- 
ducting the  amount  wasted  from  the  amount  supplied  it  was  possible 
to  obtain  an  accurate  estimate  of  the  amount  consumed  per  person 
for  each  day  of  the  period  studied.4 

In  obtaining  the  estimate  of  the  food  supplied  in  the  Boston 
houses  the  amount  of  protein  and  the  value  in  calories  were  calcu- 
lated, and  this  was  divided  by  the  total  number  served,  including  in 
this  number  both  guests  and  employees.  Ten  per  cent,  of  the 
amount  supplied  was  allowed  for  waste  in  serving,  as  this  percentage 
of  waste  was  found  in  the  dietary  studies  to  which  reference  has  been 
made,5  and  has  been  accepted  in  similar  studies  by  Ellen  F.  Rich- 

1 Amount  supplied  less  10  per  cent,  for  table  and  kitchen  waste. 

2 These  figures  are  estimates  based  on  the  assumption  that  the  2 meals  served  per  day  represent  three- 
fourths  of  the  total  amount  of  food  eaten  in  1 day. 

3 Smedley,  Emma,  and  Milner,  R.  D.f  Dietary  Studies  in  Public  Institutions  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  and 
Knight,  H.  L.,  Pratt,  H.  A.,  and  Langworthy,  C.  F.,  Dietary  Studies  in  Public  Institutions  in  Baltimore, 
Md.,  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bulletin  No.  223. 

* Ibid.,  p.  9. 

* United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bulletin  No.  223,  p.  49. 


116 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


ards,  Marion  Talbot  and  Mary  Swartz  Rose.  The  results  of  this 
study  show  the  striking  lack  of  standardization  of  the  dietary  in 
these  houses,  as  the  protein  supplied  per  person  for  one  day  varies 
from  65  to  111  grams,  and  the  calories  from  1,760  to  3,350  (Table  49). 

The  exact  dietary  needs  of  the  residents  of  these  houses  cannot  be 
determined,  as  the  food  requirements  are  dependent  on  such  com- 
plex factors  as  the  age  and  weight  of  the  women,  the  degree  of  mus- 
cular activity  of  their  occupations,  and  the  amount  of  walking  and 
standing  during  the  day.  Previous  investigations  indicate  that  the : 
total  bodily  fuel  needed  would  be  2,200  to  2,400  calories.  In  a care- 


Table  50.  — Metabolism  of  Women  engaged  in  Different  Occupations.1 


Occupation. 

Age. 

Height. 

Weight 

in 

Pounds. 

Calories  per 
Hour. 

Total  Calories 
per  Day, 
Eight  Hours’ 
Work,  Sixteen 
Hours’  Rest. 

Feet. 

Inches. 

At  Rest. 

At  Work. 

Hand  sewer, 

53 

5 

3 

139 

75 

83 

1,864 

Hand  sewer, 

35 

5 

6 

143 

64 

88 

1,728 

Machine  sewer, 

53 

5 

3 

139 

75 

103 

2,024 

Machine  sewer,  . 

19 

5 

3 

110 

64 

119 

1,976 

Wash  woman,  . 

43 

5 

3 

125 

75 

285 

3,480 

Wash  woman,  . 

19 

5 

3 

110 

64 

186 

2,512 

Waitress,  . 

43 

5 

3 

125 

75 

228 

3,024 

Waitress,  . 

19 

5 

3 

110 

64 

143 

2,168 

Bookbinder, 

22 

5 

4 

105 

• 70 

98 

1,904 

Bookbinder, 

22 

5 

3 

112  1 

61 

127 

1,992  ' 

: 

ful  dietary  study  made  in  a home  for  aged  women  the  average  value 
of  the  food  consumed  by  each  person  in  one  day  was  found  to  be 
2,206  calories.2  The  younger,  more  active  women  of  the  Boston 
houses  would  require  more  nourishment.  A recent  careful  calorimeter 
study  of  the  amounts  consumed  in  a day  divided  between  8 hours’ 
work  and  16  hours’  rest  gave  the  results  reported  in  Table  50.  As 
some  additional  allowance  would  be  necessary  on  account  of  possible 
faulty  assimilation,  and  because  of  the  fact  that  residents  of  the 
organized  houses  often  have  a nine-hour  work  day,  and  rarely  rest 

* Quoted  by  Fisher  and  Fisk  in  How  to  Live,  p.  195.  The  figures  are  the  results  of  calorimeter  tests 
by  Becker  and  Hamalainen  at  the  University  of  Helsingfors,  Finland.  For  complete  report  see  Skan- 
dinavisches  Archiv  fur  Physioiogie,  XXXI.,  Band  1,  2 u.  3 Heft.  Leipzig,  1914 

* Ibid.,  p.  53. 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  117 


during  the  entire  period  of  freedom  from  their  wage-earning  employ- 
ment, a somewhat  larger  food  supply  would  be  required.  Even  these 
additional  needs  would  not  justify  such  an  extravagant  amount  of 
food  as  is  supplied  in  Institutions  Six  and  Seven. 

The  dietaries  in  these  houses  show  a tendency  to  an  excessive  use 
of  expensive  protein  foods.  Very  few  of  their  residents  were  at  an 
age  when  protein  food  was  needed  for  growth,  and  the  majority  were 
not  engaged  in  occupations  resulting  in  large  muscular  development. 
Their  bodily  needs  would  have  been  satisfied  with  60  to  70  grams  of 
protein  per  day,  instead  of  the  larger  amounts  supplied  in  the  ma- 
jority of  the  houses.  The  investigation  was  made  during  the  colder 
months  of  the  year,  when  the  large  consumption  of  protein  may  have 
been  prompted  by  an  instinctive  desire  to  profit  by  its  heating  quali- 
ties. But  few  authorities  would  consider  the  amounts  supplied  de- 
sirable, and  many  would  claim  that  the  excess  was  positively  injuri- 
ous. 

Cost  of  Food. 

One  of  the  chief  points  upon  which  information  was  desired  was 
the  actual  cost  of  providing  food  for  women  living  in  these  organized 
houses.  In  the  attempts  to  get  this  information  several  methods 
were  used;  the  houses  were  first  requested  to  state  the  prices  charged 
for  board  alone;  second,  to  furnish  data  regarding  all  expenditures 
connected  with  the  food  as  served;  and  third,  to  submit  copies  of 
their  last  published  financial  statements. 

The  first  method  did  not  give  the  exact  information  desired  for  two 
reasons,  — first,  because  room  and  board  are  rated  together;  second, 
because,  in  establishing  these  rates,  the  same  lack  of  business  effi- 
ciency was  evinced  as  was  noted  in  the  failure  to  keep  accurate 
records  of  the  quantities  of  raw  materials  used.  In  all  of  the  subsi- 
dized houses  there  seems  to  be  no  definite  basis  for  the  rates  charged. 
The  persons  in  charge  of  the  houses  apparently  make  the  rates  agree 
with  what  they  feel  the  women  are  able  to  pay.  In  a few  of  the 
houses  there  is  a definite  schedule  of  adjustment  between  wages  and 
prices.  Others  objected  to  this  arrangement  because  in  the  absence 
of  accurate  information  it  is  difficult  to  know  the  wages  each  resident 
receives.  The  chief  basis  of  variation  in  all  of  the  houses  is  not  the 
cost  of  food  but  the  location,  size  and  number  of  occupants  of  each 
room.  The  varying  rates  which  are  charged  are  shown  in  Table  48. 


118 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  119 


When  these  rates  do  not  cover  all  expenditures  bazaars  are  held  and 
donations  solicited  to  make  up  the  deficit.  In  the  co-operative  and 
self-supporting  houses  the  prices  charged  are  reckoned  on  the  total 
expense  of  maintaining  the  house.  These  rates  must  be  large  enough 
to  cover  all  expenses. 

The  second  method  of  requesting  definite  data  regarding  the  ex- 
penditures for  raw  food  materials  and  for  light,  heat,  laundry,  service 
and  supervision  during  one  week  or  month  proved  as  unsatisfactory 
as  the  first.  In  some  of  the  houses  there  were  no  records  to  show  the 
exact  amounts  expended  for  raw  food  materials  during  any  definite 
period.  Since  there  was  no  segregation  in  the  records  of  expenses 
chargeable  to  the  dining-room  account  for  light,  heat,  laundry,  etc., 
these  amounts  were  only  estimates.  While  7 houses  furnished  all  of 
the  data,  it  was  felt  the  information  was  not  sufficiently  accurate  to 
make  deductions  possible  for  all  of  the  houses. 

Owing  to  the  failure  to  obtain  the  exact  information  desired  by  the 
first  and  second  methods,  the  plan  finally  used  was  to  make  computa- 
tions from  the  last  published  financial  statement  of  each  house.  The 
only  expenditures  in  these  statements  which  can  be  chargeable  to  food 
alone  are  those  for  “ provisions  and  supplies.”  While  it  is  realized  that 
these  amounts  may  contain  the  cost  of  supplies  other  than  raw  food 
materials,  they  were  the  only  figures  available  for  all  of  the  houses. 
Upon  these  figures  the  average  cost  per  person  per  day  of  raw  food 
materials  was  calculated.  This  was  done  by  dividing  the  amounts 
expended  for  “provisions  and  supplies”  by  the  number  of  meals 
served  in  each  house  during  the  year,  as  given  in  the  annual  reports 
or  by  estimates  made  in  the  case  of  other  houses,  when  the  number 
of  meals  served  was  not  given  in  their  reports!  In  making  these 
estimates  it  is  assumed  that  houses  serving  3 meals  a day  would 
serve  1,095  meals  to  each  guest  in  a year,  or  when  only  15  meals  are 
served  in  a week,  that  780  meals  would  be  served  to  each  guest  in 
the  same  period.  These  factors  when  multiplied  by  the  number  of 
guests  and  employees  give  the  estimated  number  of  the  total  meals 
served  in  one  year.  While  these  estimates  are  fairly  accurate,  it  is 
probable  that  the  actual  number  of  meals  served  during  the  year 
reported  was  somewThat  less,  since  the  investigation  was  made  during 
the  winter  months,  when  the  houses  usually  have  the  largest  number 
of  guests. 

The  variations  of  the  cost  of  raw  food  materials  in  the  several 


120 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


houses,  as  is  shown  by  these  calculations  in  Table  48,  were  found, 
with  the  exception  of  Institutions  Two  and  Eighteen,  to  be  very 
slight.  Institution  Two  is  a heavily  subsidized  house,  and  serves 
somewhat  elaborate  menus,  and  Institution  Eighteen  is  a house 
which  accommodates  students  only,  and  does  not  serve  any  meals 
during  the  summer  months  when  foodstuffs  are  usually  the  cheapest. 
These  slight  variations  do  not  seem  to  follow  any  rule.  For  in- 
stance, in  the  larger  houses  where  food  can  be  bought  in  wholesale 
quantities,  the  raw  materials  do  not  cost  less  per  person  than  in  the 
smaller  houses.  There  was  no  evidence  to  show  whether  this  indi- 
cates that  the  smaller  houses  are  more  careful  of  waste  or  that  the 
larger  houses  serve  more  expensive  foods. 

The  average  total  cost  of  maintaining  each  house  per  capita  per 
week  was  also  estimated  from  these  financial  statements.  This  was 
done  by  dividing  the  total  annual  expenditures  of  the  several  houses 
by  52  times  the  number  of  guests  living  in  each  house  when  visited. 
The  results  of  these  calculations  will  be  seen  also  in  Table  48.  By 
examining  the  average  cost  per  capita  in  the  several  houses  it  will  be 
noticed,  with  the  exception  of  Institution  Ten,  that  2 of  the  self- 
supporting  houses  have  the  least  per  capita  cost.  This  is  no  doubt 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  number  of  guests  per  employee  is  larger  than 
in  any  other  house,  less  service  being  required  because  the  guests 
have  a small  share  of  the  household  duties  to  perform. 

Since  it  has  been  seen  that  there  is  little  variation  in  the  average 
cost  per  person  of  raw  food  materials  in  the  several  houses,  the 
variation  of  the  total,  per  capita  cost  of  maintenance  is  probably  due 
to  the  difference  in  the  amounts  expended  for  service  as  well  as  to 
methods  of  management.  The  savings,  which  are  supposed  to  result 
from  the  advantages  gained  by  dealing  with  large  groups,  are  not 
evident  when  a comparison  of  the  per  capita  cost  in  the  small  and 
large  houses  is  made.  This  may  be  due  in  some  houses  to  lack  of 
good  management,  and  in  others  to  the  fact  that  the  buildings  are  old 
and  do  not  have  modern  equipment,  thus  requiring  more  service. 

The  prices  charged  by  some  of  the  Boston  houses,  which  are  sub- 
sidized, are  higher  than  those  charged  by  6 houses  in  Chicago  and  2 
in  New  York  which  are  self-supporting.  The  Chicago  houses  charge 
from  $3  to  $5.50  for  a room  and  15  meals  per  week.  They  severally 
accommodate  from  60  to  150  -women,  are  self-supporting  and  pay  a 
srtiall  return  on  the  investment.  One  of  the  New  York  houses, 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  121 

which  accommodates  212  women,  charges  from  $3.50  to  $7  per  week 
for  a room  and  3 meals  per  day,  and  is  able  to  cover  all  expenses. 
The  other  New  York  house  charges  from  $4.50  to  $7.50  per  week  for 
room  and  2 meals  per  day,  and  accommodates  326  guests.  Until 
September,  1915,  the  prices  charged  by  this  house  ranged  from  $4  to 
$6;  with  the  advance  in  the  cost  of  foodstuffs  an  increase  of  50  cents 
per  guest  per  week  was  found  necessary.  It  is  not  only  self-supporting, 
but  pays  4 per  cent,  interest  on  the  investment.  This  house  and  1 
commercial,  the  2 co-operative  and  2 self-supporting  houses  in  Bos- 
ton are  the  only  houses  of  the  39  studied  which  pay  taxes.  While  the 
price  of  foodstuffs  in  Boston  is  somewhat  higher  than  in  New  York 
and  Chicago,1  it  is  not  clear  why  13  of  the  Boston  houses  must 
depend  on  endowments  and  donations  to  cover  their  expenses,  when 
the  houses  just  referred  to  can  be  self-supporting. 

Serving  of  Food. 

The  variation  in  the  equipment  of  the  houses  and  the  methods  of 
serving  foods  affect  both  the  cost  of  service  and  the  value  of  the  food 
supplied.  Foods  attractively  served  have  not  only  an  aesthetic  value, 
but  a physiological  one  as  well.  It  is  a generally  accepted  fact  that 
attractiveness  of  service  promotes  the  ease  and  rapidity  of  the  assimi- 
lation of  food  by  creating  a pleasurable  anticipation  which  causes  the 
digestive  fluids  to  flow  more  freely.  There  are  a number  of  factors 
which  influence  both  the  attractiveness  of  service  and  its  cost.  Of 
these  the  most  important  are,  first,  the  location  and  general  appear- 
ance of  the  dining  room;  second,  the  methods  of  serving  the  food; 
and  third,  the  time  of  service. 

The  location  and  general  appearance  of  the  dining  room  in  the 
non-commercial  houses  is  too  often  a secondary  consideration.  A 
room  which  is  partly  below  the  street  level  is  very  difficult  to  venti- 
late and  to  light  properly.  When  ventilation  is  poor  and  little  or  no 
sunlight  is  admitted  the  room  is  likely  to  contain  odors  of  stale 
cooking  and  to  be  damp  and  uninviting.  A number  of  the  houses 
have  basement  dining  rooms  with  long  institutional  tables,  giving 
the  room  an  unattractive  and  unhomelike  appearance.  Several  of 
the  houses,  however,  have  well-ventilated  and  well-lighted  rooms, 
with  curtains  at  the  windows,  plants  or  flowers  and  clean  linen  on 
the  tables,  which  are  mostly  round,  seating  from  6 to  8 persons. 


1 See  Table  4. 


122 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


The  second  factor  which  plays  an  important  part  in  this  phase  of 
the  food  supplied  is  the  method  of  service.  The  two  ways  of  serving 
food  in  the  Boston  houses  are  individual  service  and  the  family 
method.  Eleven  houses  provide  individual  service  at  all  meals, 
which  .means  that  the  food  is  served  in  the  kitchen  in  separate 
dishes,  which  are  taken  by  waitresses  directly  to  each  guest.  This 
insures  hot  food,  but  requires  more  service  and  more  dishes  than  the 
family  method.  With  two  exceptions  the  latter  method  is  used  only 
in  the  smaller  houses,  and  in  6 of  these  dinner  only  is  served  thus. 
By  this  method  the  food  is  placed  by  waitresses  on  the  table  in  large 
dishes  from  which  each  person  is  served  by  the  head.  A unique 
method  of  service  is  used  by  a house  accommodating  212  women 
which  has  recently  been  opened  in  New  York  City.  In  this  house 
breakfast  and  lunch  are  served  cafeteria  style  and  dinner  by  indi- 
vidual service.  At  breakfast  and  lunch  each  article  of  food  is  priced 
separately,  and  those  who  pay  board  by  the  week  are  permitted  to 
order  to  the  amount  of  20  cents  for  breakfast  and  25  cents  for  lunch. 
Dinner  is  served  in  individual  servings  by  waitresses  who  also  act  as 
chambermaids,  since  no  dining-room  service  is  required  of  them  at 
breakfast  and  lunch. 

The  third  factor  is  the  time  during  which  the  meals  are  served. 
Since  all  of  the  women  who  live  in  these  houses  are  not  engaged  in 
the  same  occupations,  their  hours  for  beginning  work  vary.  In  order 
to  meet  as  nearly  as  possible  the  convenience  of  the  guests,  meals  are 
served  during  different  periods.  Those  for  breakfast  and  lunch  vary 
from  three-fourths  of  an  hour  to  two  hours,  and  dinner  from  one* to 
one  and  one-half  hours.  In  6 of  the  houses  the  latter  meal  is  served 
at  a stated  time,  when  all  guests  are  supposed  to  be  present  and  thus 
form  a family  group.  In  some  places  a number  of  the  waitresses  are 
students,  who  give  their  services  for  certain  hours  each  day  in  return 
for  their  rooms  and  board.  This  enables  the  houses  to  provide  at 
small  cost  the  extra  amount  of  service  needed  when  all  guests  are 
not  served  at  the  same  time. 


Factors  influencing  the  Utilization  of  these  Houses. 

The  disposition  of  women  to  avail  themselves  of  the  adequate  and 
varied  food  supplied  at  such  small  cost  is  affected  by  other  considera- 
tions, such  as  the  general  accommodations  offered;  the  rules  and  the 
limitations  regarding  admission;  the  recreation  provided;  and  the 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  123 


accommodations  for  laundry  and  sewing.  Most  of  the  houses  are 
attractive  and  homelike  places  in  which  to  live.  With  one  exception 
all  of  the  subsidized  and  co-operative  houses  furnish  both  room  and 
board.  The  one  exception  is  a small  house  for  colored  women  which 
furnishes  rooms  and  a kitchen  where  cooking  may  be  done.  Other 
non-commercial  and  commercial  houses  either  furnish  rooms  and  a 
restaurant  where  meals  may  be  secured,  or  rooms  which  have  light- 
housekeeping accommodations. 

Since  most  of  the  subsidized  houses  were  founded  by  religious 
organizations,  or  by  persons  with  a religious  motive  in  view,  some  of 
the  rules  governing  those  who  may  be  admitted  show  traces  of  this 
influence.  While  none  of  the  houses  has  any  stipulated  religious 
limitations,  some  of  them  discriminate  against  women  of  certain 
religious  beliefs,  who  they  feel  will  not  be  in  sympathy  with  their 
custom  of  conducting  daily  prayers.  In  two  of  the  smaller  houses  all 
guests  are  required  to  be  present  at  these  services;  in  other  houses, 
which  follow  this  custom,  attendance  is  optional. 

Aside  from  these  customs  which  affect  the  religious  liberties  of  the 
guests  there  are  other  rules  which  are  resented  by  some.  For  in- 
stance, many  women  do  not  like  to  feel  that  they  must  be  in  at  a 
certain  hour  in  the  evening,  or  explain  why  they  were  not  in  at  that 
time.  Some  of  the  houses  also  require  all  applying  for  accommoda- 
tions to  furnish  names  of  one  or  more  persons  who  will  vouch  for 
their  good  characters.  Women  who  are  strangers  in  the  city,  or  who 
have  lived  independent  lives  for  some  time,  dislike  to  have  their 
friends  troubled  by  a request  which  seems  to  them  unnecessary.  The 
fact  that  a number  of  the  houses  are  known  to  be  subsidized  makes 
some  people  feel  that  they  are  undesirable  places  in  which  to  live. 
A self-supporting  woman  does  not  like  to  feel  that  she  is  a recipient 
of  charity.  While  these  conditions  are  disliked  by  some,  they  are 
welcomed  by  others.  There  are  many  young  women  who  come  as 
strangers  to  the  city,  and  are  grateful  to  find  a home  where  such  pro- 
tection is  offered  and  a place  where  living  can  be  secured  at  such  low 
rates. 

Aside  from  these  rather  personal  feelings  regarding  the  houses 
there  are  other  reasons  which  limit  the  women  who  may  live  in  them. 
With  two  exceptions  the  houses  aim  to  reach  only  young  women 
receiving  low  wages.  Three  houses  state  that  they  will  not  take 
women  earning  over  $15  per  week;  one  house  will  not  take  any  one 


124 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


earning  more  than  $12,  and  another  limits  its  accommodations  to 
women  earning  $7  and  less  per  week.  There  is  an  age  limit  in  4 
houses  over  which  no  one  will  be  admitted  as  a permanent  guest.  In 
2 houses  this  is  thirty  years  and  in  the  others  thirty-five. 

All  of  the  houses  make  efforts  to  furnish  some  forms  of  recreation 
for  their  guests.  Most  of  them  provide  some  sort  of  a library  with 
books,  current  magazines  and  daily  papers.  All  have  one  or  more 
parlors  where  callers  may  be  received,  and  some  of  the  large  houses 
have  small  parlors  which  may  be  engaged  in  advance.  A large  room 
or  recreation  hall  is  provided  where  guests  may  assemble  for  parties, 
dances  or  entertainments.  In  some  of  the  houses  amusements  are 
furnished  as  often  as  once  in  every  two  weeks,  and  in  others  special 
entertainments  and  parties  are  given  at  least  twice  a year. 

In  addition  to  the  small  charge  made  for  room  and  board  there  are 
other  accommodations  which  offer  the  guests  opportunities  for  re- 
ducing the  cost  of  living.  All  of  the  houses  provide  laundries  where 
both  washing  and  ironing  may  be  done.  Two  charge  10  cents  and 
one  charges  15  cents  each  time  the  laundry  is  used;  the  others  per- 
mit its  use  free  of  charge.  With  one  exception  all  furnish  one  or 
more  sewing  machines  for  free  use  of  the  guests.  That  these  accom- 
modations are  appreciated  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  are  used  by 
one-half  to  three-fourths  of  the  guests. 

Every  effort  is  made  by  these  houses  to  promote  the  health  of 
their  guests.  In  3 of  them  a physician  gives  his  services  free  or  for  a 
moderate  charge.  Four  provide  a trained  nurse;  one  large  house  has 
a well-equipped  infirmary  with  trained  nurses  constantly  on  duty; 
and  all  keep  medicines  for  emergencies. 

Conclusions. 

Notwithstanding  these  facts  there  are  no  long  waiting  lists  of 
women  desiring  admission.  As  was  shown  in  the  early  part  of  the 
chapter  the  houses  when  visited  were  not  filled  to  their  capacity,  and 
during  the  summer  months  the  number  of  vacancies  is  often  quite 
large.  With  a single  room  and  board  to  be  obtained  for  $6  and  less 
per  week,  and  accommodations  which  cannot  be  secured  in  any  pri- 
vate boarding  house  for  the  same  money,  wdiy  are  these  houses  not 
flooded  with  persons  desiring  admission?  No  definite  answer  can  be 
given.  The  fact  that  most  of  the  houses  depend  upon  their  guests  or 
other  interested  persons  to  inform  women  of  their  existence,  instead 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  ORGANIZED  HOUSES.  125 


of  advertising  their  accommodations,  as  well  as  the  rules  and  limita- 
tions already  discussed,  may  have  something  to  do  with  their  failure 
to  attract  a larger  number  of  women. 

While  the  houses  should  be  criticized  for  the  unbusinesslike  way 
in  which  many  of  them  are  managed,  it  must  be  recognized  that  they 
have  performed  a noble  service  to  the  working  women  of  Boston. 
The  food  provided  seems  to  be  of  a sufficient  variety  and  of  an  ade- 
quate amount;  the  accommodations  offered  cannot  be  found  at  the 
prices  charged  in  any  private  boarding  or  lodging  house;  the  limita- 
tions explained  do  not  appear  unreasonable;  and  the  value  of  the 
protection  offered  to  young  women  who  come  as  strangers  to  the  city 
cannot  be  overestimated. 


126 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 

The  selection  of  food  made  by  women  suffering  from  preventable 
diseases,  generally  conceded  to  be  related  to  diet,  is  an  interesting 
phase  of  this  study  of  the  food  of  working  women.  Since  the  dis- 
pensaries of  Boston  have  educated  the  public  to  make  use  of  the 
advantages  offered,  it  seems  probable  that  low-wage  women  suffering 
from  ill  health  would  seek  their  assistance.  The  variety  and  charac- 
ter of  the  food  selected,  habits  of  food  consumption,  hygienic  habits 
and  home  and  work  conditions  will  be  considered  in  their  relation  to 
the  health  of  these  women. 

Patients  coming  to  Dispensaries. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  significance  of  the  126  cases  studied  in 
detail  some  consideration  of  dispensary  patients  as  a group  is  neces- 

Table  52.  — Patients  coming  to  Eight  Dispensaries  in  Boston  classified  by 
Number  of  New  Patients  and  Total  Number  of  Visits  from  All  Patients  in  . 
One  Year.1 


Dispensary. 

Total 

Number 

of 

Visits. 

New 

Patients.  ( 

450,361 

90,132  j 

Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  Jan.  1,  1915,  to  Dec.  31,  1915 

190,627 

29,213  1 

Boston  Dispensary,  Oct.  1,  1914,  to  Sept.  30,  1915 

122,776 

25,694  , 

Carney  Hospital,  Dec.  1,  1913,  to  Nov.  30,  1914, 

50,992 

15,506  1 

Peter  Bent  Brigham,  Jan.  1,  1914,  to  Dec.  31,  1914, 

30,434 

8,347  | 

Mount  Sinai  Hospital,  Jan.  1,  1914,  to  Dec.  31,  1914, 

27,680 

5,566  i 

Cambridge  Hospital,  Jan.  1,  1915,  to  Dec.  31,  1915 

6,647 

1,985  •' 

Maverick  Dispensary,  Sept.  1,  1914,  to  Aug.  31,  1915,  . . 

7,044 

1,960 

New  England  Dispensary  for  Women  and  Children,  Oct.  1, 1914,  to  Sept.  30, 1915, 

14,161 

1,861  j 

1 Data  obtained  from  the  Fifty-third  Annual  Report  of  the  New  England  Hospital  for  Women  and 
Children,  its  Training  School  for  Nurses  and  Dispensary,  Sept.  20,  1915,  p.  30;  One  Hundred  and  Second 
Annual  Report  of  the  Trustees  of  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  1915,  Section  B,  p.  67;  Report 
of  the  One  Hundred  and  Nineteenth  Year  of  the  Boston  Dispensary,  1916,  p.  49;  Fifty-first  Annual 
Report  of  Carney  Hospital,  1914,  p.  20;  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Peter  Bent  Brigham  Hospital,  1915, 
p.  15;  Thirteenth  Annual  Report  of  Mount  Sinai  Hospital,  1915,  p.  15;  Report  of  the  Trustees  of  the 
Cambridge  Hospital,  January,  1916,  p.  49;  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Maverick  Dispensary,  1915,  p.  6. 


Table  53.  — New  Patients  classified  by  Age  and  Sex.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


127 


I 


128 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


sary.  The  records  of  the  new  patients  coming  to  4 dispensaries  dur- 
ing periods  of  one  to  eight  months  were  tabulated  (Tables  52-57). 
The  9 dispensaries1  in  Boston  from  which  cases  were  selected  reach  a 
large  number  of  people,  as  is  shown  in  Table  52.  Although  the  esti- 
mated cost  of  the  service  ranges  from  33  to  49  cents  a visit,2  a fee  of 
only  10  cents  is  charged  in  order  to  reach  the  group  most  in  need  of 
medical  treatment.  Wage-earning  women  formed  only  one-ninth 
(11.6  per  cent.)  of  the  total  attendance  (Table  54).  The  high  per- 
centage of  Russian  Jews  and  others  of  foreign  birth,  shown  in  Table 
55,  makes  it  evident  that  nationality  is  an  important  consideration  in 
discussing  the  diet  of  this  group.  The  largest  proportion  were  young, 
unmarried  women  engaged  in  manufacturing  pursuits  (Table  56). 
Cases  for  this  study  were  found  in  the  medical  departments  (Table 
57).  About  one-third  (36.7  per  cent.)  of  the  women  coming  to  the 
dispensaries  were  referred  to  the  medical  departments,  and  the  sev- 
eral occupation  groups  were  proportionately  represented  in  this  num- 
ber. Women  in  domestic  service  who  were  not  included  in  this  study 
formed  two-fifths  (40.4  per  cent.)  of  the  attendance  at  the  medical 
departments. 


Scope  and  Method  of  the  Study.3 

Some  20,000  records  covering  periods  ranging  from  three  to  six 
months  for  each  of  the  9 dispensaries  were  examined.  From  these 
records  192  cases  of  women  in  industry  suffering  from  preventable 
diseases  possibly  complicated  by  diet  were  selected  for  further  study. 
Sixty-six  of  these  cases  were  not  included  in  this  study,  as  51  could 
not  be  located  and  15  were  not  pertinent.  By  personal  visits  infor- 
mation was  obtained  from  126  women.  In  these  interviews  2 schedules 
were  used,  — the  first  concerning  the  food,  the  second,  an  inquiry 
into  social  and  industrial  conditions.4  Information  for  form  of  in- 
quiry No.  5,  as  well  as  menus  for  two  days,  were  obtained  at  the 
time  of  the  interview.  The  method  of  keeping  this  food  schedule 

1 All  dispensaries  in  Boston  were  visited,  though  complete  records  were  available  only  from  these  9 
dispensaries. 

2 Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  One  Hundred  and  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Trustees,  1915, 
Section  B,  p.  22;  Mount  Sinai  Hospital,  Thirteenth  Annual  Report,  1915,  p.  15;  Peter  Bent  Brigham 
Hospital,  First  Annual  Report,  1915,  p.  16. 

8 For  forms  of  inquiry,  see  Appendix  A,  Nos.  5 and  6. 

4 The  questions  on  the  second  schedule  were  suggested  by  the  one  used  in  a study  made  by  the  Massa- 
chusetts General  Hospital  of  the  hygienic  conditions  of  working  girls  who  came  as  patients  to  the  hos- 
pital. All  unmarried  girls  under  twenty-one  (80)  who  came  to  the  medical  department  during  eight 
months  were  studied.  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Social  Service  Department  of  the  Massachusetts 
General  Hospital,  1912. 


Table  54.  — Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  and  Over  classified  by  Participation  in  Gainful  Occupations.  Data  from  Four  Dispensaries. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


129 


Table  55.  — Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations,  classified  by  Nativity  and  Age.  Data  from  F our  Dispensaries. 


130  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


• The  Massachusetts  laws  require  work  certificates  for  minors  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  enforce  medical  examinations  for  those  under  sixteen. 
2 Barbadoes,  Greece,  Turkey,  2 cases  each;  Armenia,  Belgium,  Bermuda,  Denmark,  New  Zealand,  Norway,  South  Africa,  West  Indies,  1 case  each. 


Table  56.  — Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations , classified,  by  Occupation  and  Marital  Condition.  Data  from  Four 

Dispensaries. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


131 


132  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 

was  explained  to  the  woman  so  that  she  could  fill  in  a similar  blank 
for  the  five  days  remaining  in  the  week.  Over  half  (51.6  per  cent.) 
completed  the  menu  for  five  or  more  days,  and  more  than  three- 
fourths  (78.5  per  cent.)  of  this  number  finished  the  week,  making  in 
all  reports  of  1,703  meals. 

Difficulties  peculiar  to  this  subject  arose  from  the  necessity  of  ex- 
plaining the  reasons  for  the  inquiries  concerning  the  food  to  ignorant 
and  suspicious  women,  persuading  them  to  keep  their  menus  for  a 
week,  and  from  the  personal  nature  of  the  questions  which  had  to  be 
asked  often  in  the  presence  of  persons  of  varying  ages  and  both 
sexes.  The  inability  to  write  English  prevented  the  completion  of 
the  food  schedules  in  some  instances. 

Characteristics  of  the  Patients  Studied. 

The  group  selected  for  further  study  resembled  the  wage-earning 
women  in  the  total  dispensary  group  in  age,  occupation  and  nation- 
ality. These  126  patients  were  largely  young  women,  native  born  or 
Russian  Jewesses,  engaged  in  manufacturing  pursuits.  The  average 
age,  twenty- two  years  (21.9),  represented  the  trend  for  the  group, 
since  four-fifths  (79.4  per  cent.)  were  under  twenty-five  years  of  age 
(Table  58).  One-half  (50.8  per  cent.)  were  native  born.  One-tenth 
(10.3  per  cent.)  of  the  total  number  were  native  born  of  native 
parents;  one-third  (33.3  per  cent.),  native  born  of  foreign  parents; 
and  one-fifteenth  (7.2  per  cent.),  native  born  of  mixed  parentage. 
More  than  one-fifth  (21  per  cent.)  of  the  foreign  born  had  been  in  this 
country  two  years  or  less,  and  one-half  (56.5  per  cent.)  for  five  years 
or  less.  Although  the  majority  were  in  the  semi-skilled  manufacturing 
occupations,  the  clerical,  selling  and  telephone  operating  positions  of 
one-fourth  (29.4  per  cent.)  demand  skill  and  a higher  degree  of  intelli- 
gence. Their  weekly  wages  ranged  from  $3  to  $14.50,  with  an  aver- 
age for  the  group  of  less  than  $8  ($7.77)  (Table  59).  Telephone  oper- 
ating had  the  highest  average  wage,  almost  $10  ($9.97),  clerical  work 
slightly  over  $9  ($9.10),  selling  and  manufacturing  occupations  be- 
tween $7  and  $8  ($7.50  and  $7.43),  and  the  miscellaneous  personal 
service  occupations  less  than  $6.50  ($6.30).  It  is  quite  apparent  that 
the  majority  of  these  women  could  make  no  provision  from  their 
earnings  for  private  medical  care.  While  their  homes  were  located  in 
all  parts  of  Boston,  living  conditions  did  not  vary  greatly.  Seven- 
eighths  (87.3  per  cent.)  lived  as  part  of  their  own  families,  91  with 


Table  57.  — Female  Dispensary  Patients  in  Gainful  Occupations  classified  by  Dispensary  Departments  and  by  Occupations.  Data 

from  Four  Dispensaries. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


133 


1 Rectal,  vaccine,  therapy,  2 cases  from  each;  obstetrical,  X-ray,  1 case  from  each. 


134 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


Table  58.  — Distribution  by  Age  and  Nativity  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six 

Dispensary  Patients. 


Birthplace. 

Total. 

Number  of  Patients  — 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

16 

Y ears 
and 
under 

21. 

21 

Years 

and 

under 

25. 

25 

Years 

and 

under 

30. 

30 

Years 

and 

under 

35. 

35 

Years 

and 

under 

40. 

Total, 

126 

100.0 

52 

48 

16 

7 

3 

United  States, 

64 

50.8 

28 

20 

11 

4 

1 

Russia, 

49 

38.9 

21 

22 

4 

2 

- 

Canada, 

5 

3.9 

- 

3 

- 

- 

2 

Ireland, 

2 

1.6 

1 

- 

1 

- 

- 

Italy, 

2 

1.6 

2 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Other  foreign  countries, 1 

4 

3.2 

- 

3 

- 

1 

- 

1 One  each  from  Austria,  Azores,  Barbadoes,  Portugal. 


Table  59.  — Distribution  by  Occupation  and  Wage  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty- 

six  Dispensary  Patients. 


Weekly  Wages. 

Total. 

Manufac- 

turing. 

Clerical. 

Selling. 

Telephone 

Operating. 

Miscella- 

neous. 

Total, 

126 

86 

16 

14 

7 

3 

Less  than  $5, 

3 

1 

- 

2 

- 

- 

$5  and  less  than  $6,  . 

16 

14 

- 

1 

- 

1 

$6  and  less  than  $7,  . 

27 

23 

2 

1 

- 

1 

$7  and  less  than  $8,  . 

19 

17 

- 

1 

- 

1 

$8  and  less  than  $9,  . 

19 

9 

5 

4 

1 

- 

$9  and  less  than  $10,  . 

11 

5 

2 

2 

2 

- 

$10  and  less  than  $12, 

18 

10 

4 

- 

4 

- 

$12  and  less  than  $14, 

6 

3 

2 

1 

- 

- 

$14  and  more, 

2 

2 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Not  reported, 

5 

2 

1 

2 

- 

- 

their  fathers  or  mothers  or  both,  16  with  other  relatives,  and  3 were 
married  and  living  in  homes  of  their  own.  The  16  living  with  stran- 
gers formed  part  of  the  family  group  in  most  instances. 

These  women  were  suffering  from  a variety  of  diseases  of  which 
constipation  was  the  most  prevalent  (Table  60).  Nearly  two-fifths 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


135 


(38.1  per  cent.)  were  suffering  from  constipation,  17  (17.4)  per  cent, 
from  a run-down  condition,  16  (15.9)  per  cent,  from  debility,  15 
(15.1)  per  cent,  from  digestive  disorders  and  13  (13.5)  per  cent,  from 
anaemia.  The  appearance  of  these  women  was  so  influenced  by  racial 
characteristics  that  it  w^as  difficult  for  the  casual  observer  to  discern 
the  effect  of  the  different  disorders.  Recent  arrivals  from  Russia 
remarked  on  their  loss  of  weight,  poor  color  and  trouble  with  their 
teeth  since  leaving  the  old  country.  Of  all  the  immigrants  the  Rus- 
sians, who  formed  the  greatest  proportion  of  the  foreign-born  women 
studied,  seemed  least  able  to  adapt  themselves  physically  to  the 
changed  conditions. 


Table  60.  — Occupations  and  Dispensary  Diagnoses  of  One  Hundred  and 

Twenty-six  Patients. 


Diagnoses. 

Total. 

Number 

of  Patients  in  — 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Manu- 

factur- 

ing. 

Clerical. 

Selling. 

Tele- 

phone 

Oper- 

ating. 

Miscella- 
neous. 1 

Total 

126 

100.0 

86 

16 

14 

7 

3 

Constipation, 

48 

38.1 

34 

6 

6 

2 

- 

Run-down  condition,  . 

22 

17.4 

15 

3 

4 

- 

- 

Debility,  .... 

20 

15.9 

10 

4 

4 

1 

1 

Digestive  disorders, 

19 

15.1 

16 

1 

- 

2 

- 

Aniemia,  .... 

17 

13.5 

11 

2 

- 

2 

2 

Food  eaten  in  One  Week. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  study  the  1,703  meals  were  reduced  for 
each  person  to  the  food  eaten  in  one  week.2  The  unit  of  measure- 
ment was  the  number  of  times  any  article  of  food  occurs  during  this 
week,  making  the  total  variety  the  sum  of  the  different  articles  of 
food.  Since  the  use  of  tea  and  coffee  was  subject  to  extreme  varia- 
tions, these  beverages  were  excluded  from  the  total  variety  of  food. 
Percentages  were  used  to  indicate  the  proportion  any  food  forms  of 
the  total  variety.  The  classification  of  food  was  a convenient  one 
suggested  by  Dr.  C.  F.  Langworthy.3 


1 Theatre  usher,  hairdresser,  salad  maker. 

2 See  Appendix  C for  method  of  tabulation. 

3 See  Appendix  C for  discussion  of  the  limitations  of  this  plan  of  classification. 


136 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


CO 

s 

© 

© 

Si 

© 


© 

© 

St. 

© 

© 

fts 


© 

s 

© 

4 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


137 


O 

ts* 

<M 

<» 

£ 

CO 

z 

fSJ 

T"H 

53 

rB5 

K 

Num- 

ber. 

O 

00 

00 

O 

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03 

z 

H 

CO 

Per 

Cent. 

00 

O 

CO 

Tt< 

o 

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O 

H 

Eh 

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H 

H 

w 

X 

u 

Num- 

ber. 

iO 

■*! 

CO 

CO 

PS 

H 

£ 

Z 

CD 

C5 

Per 

Cent. 

3.6 

4.9 

4.7 

- 

id 

xey  constitute 
ients. 

H 

Eh 

o 

PS 

Oh 

a 

K 

Num- 

ber. 

- 

cd 

O 

CO 

id 

4.4 

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n 

a 

w 

Per 

Cent. 

00 

CO 

id 

CO 

o 

cd 

4.2 

2.0 

53 

PS 

H 

Eh 

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1 ■ 

1 Num- 
ber. 

2.3 

evi 

2.5 

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3.0 

^ <3 
co  « 

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o 

EH 

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Per 

Cent. 

13.5 

on 

14.0 

15.2 

13.1 

oc 

^ *s 

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a ^ 

o 

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ber. 

8.2 

4.6 

7.6 

9.7 

9.4 

10.1 

£ .g 

M 

CO 

<43  >1 

^ © 

H 

H 

£ 

< 

OTHER 

MEAT. 

Num- 

ber. 

oo 

1.1 

i-o 

£ 

C3  Oi 

oT  '"*3 
*C3  SS 

o c 

w 

g 

H 

§ 

CHICK- 

EN. 

Num- 

ber. 

o 

- 

00 

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00 

o 

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« ss 

PS 

H 

pq 

2 

X 

MUT- 

TON. 

Num- 

ber. 

CO 

CO 

iO 

o 

o 

|S 

■&J 

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£ ^ 
^ "S 

<a  -co 

£ 

H 

O 

< 

PS 

H 

PORK. 

Num- 

ber. 

iO 

to 

C5 

0> 

<M* 

oo 

> 

< 

BEEF. 

Num- 

ber. 

3.8 

2.4 

3.9 

4.3 

4.4 

3.8 

8 

*c^ 

< 

Per 

Cent. 

00 

c5 

22.3 

26.2  1 

25.0 

26.1 

21.8 

s 

<w 

Eh 

O 

EH 

Num- 

ber. 

15.1 

9.4 

14.2 

16.0 

OO 

18.7 

o' 

& 

§ 

Num- 1 
ber  of 
Per- 

sons. 

12G 

C<J 

00 

CO 

O 

CO 

o 

<M 

<43 

£ 

OF 

Food 

One 

S 

o 

o 

00 

Table  62.  - 

Number 
Articles  of 

EATEN  IN  < 

Week. 

Total, 

Less  than  50,  . 

c 

S3 

— 

OQ 

J 

T> 

a 

S3 

O 

>o 

s 

S3 

— 

m 

J8 

'O 

(3 

S3 

§ 

e 

03 

— 

s 

JE 

c 

S3 

O 

E- 

80  and  more,  . 

138 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Taking  the  average  for  all  schedules,  the  total  variety  of  food  for 
a week  was  61  (60.7)  items,  as  shown  in  Table  61,  classified  as  foods 
characterized  by  proteins,  carbohydrates  and  minerals,  and  a miscel- 
laneous group  consisting  of  soups,  milk  or  cocoa  and  pickles.  Meats, 
fish,  eggs  and  all  other  protein  foods  constituted  one-fourth  (24.8  per 
cent.)  of  this  variety.  The  median  variety  was  15  times  a week;  in 
other  words,  there  were  as  many  women  having  a greater  variety  of 
proteins  than  this  as  there  were  having  a smaller.  The  usual  fre- 
quency was  twice  a day.  The  average  distribution  of  the  items  com- 
posing this  group  (Table  62)  indicated  meat  8 (8.2)  times,  fish  twice 
(2.3),  eggs  3 times  (3.1),  beans  once  (1),  and  cheese  less  than  once 
(.5)  a week.  In  the  case  of  meat  the  predominant  number  of  times  a 
week  was  7,  or  once  a day.  Since  meat  was  the  one  item  in  very 
general  use,  and  since  eggs,  fish,  cheese  and  beans  are  often  used  in- 
terchangeably, it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  all  of  the  schedules 
would  include  all  of  these  items.  More  than  one-third  (34.9  per 
cent.)  of  the  menus  for  a week  were  without  eggs,  two-fifths  (38.9 
per  cent.)  without  fish,  two-thirds  (64.3  per  cent.)  without  beans, 
and  three-fourths  (77.8  per  cent.)  without  cheese. 

Breads,  cereals  and  all  other  foods  characterized  by  carbohydrates 
formed  two-fifths  (38.1  per  cent.)  of  the  variety  for  the  week  (Table 
63).  While  the  average  lor  the  week  was  23  times,  or  slightly  more 
than  once  a meal,  there  was  a tendency  to  have  one  of  these  foods  at  ' 
every  meal.  Of  those  who  departed  from  this  rule  there  were  as 
many  who  served  more  than  one  article  of  carbohydrate  food  at  a ’ 
meal  as  there  were  who  served  less.  The  most  important  article  of 
food  in  this  group,  bread,  was  used  an  average  of  17  (16.7)  times  a 
week.  The  other  articles  showed  smaller  averages.  Three-fifths 
(57.9  per  cent.)  of  the  group  used  no  cereals,  six-sevenths  (84.9  per 
cent.)  no  macaroni,  three-sevenths  (42.9  per  cent.)  no  cake,  two-thirds 
(69.8  per  cent.)  no  desserts,  and  the  same  proportion  (68.3  per  cent.) 
no  pastry. 

Vegetables  and  fruits  formed  one-fifth  (21  per  cent.)  of  the  average 
weekly  variety  (Table  64).  They  were  eaten  less  than  twdce  a day 
(12.7  times  a week).  The  composition  of  this  group  in  the  various 
food  schedules  was  influenced  by  individual  preferences.  Potatoes 
were  eaten  by  four-fifths  (81  per  cent.),  fruit  by  five-sevenths  (71.4 
per  cent.),  other  vegetables  by  five-ninths  (56.3  per  cent.),  and  salads 
by  less  than  one-twelfth  (7.9  per  cent.)  of  the  women  reporting. 


Table  63.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Carbohydrate  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range 

of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


139 


140 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Potatoes  were  used  an  average  of  5 (4.7)  times,  other  vegetables  3 
(2.6)  times,  fresh  fruit  4 (4.2)  times,  and  stewed  fruit  once  (1.1)  a 
week. 

Foods  characterized  by  protein,  carbohydrates  and  minerals  formed 
five-sixths  (83.9  per  cent.)  of  the  total  number  of  items  eaten  in  a 
week.  Soups,  milk,  cocoa  and  pickles  formed  the  remaining  sixth 
(16.1  per  cent.)  (Table  61).  Pickles  were  an  item  of  little  impor- 
tance, since  less  than  one-tenth  (9.5  per  cent.)  of  the  women  used 
them.  Soup  was  served  at  4 (3.8)  meals,  and  milk  and  cocoa  at  6 
(5.9)  meals  during  a week.  The  somewhat  extensive  use  of  cocoa  and 
milk  is  to  be  attributed,  no  doubt,  to  advice  received  at  the  dispensa- 
ries. The  67  women  who  used  cocoa  drank  it  about  once  a day  (6.4 
times  a week),  and  the  58  women  who  used  milk  drank  it  about  5 
(5.3)  times  a week. 

Although  this  analysis  shows  a considerable  variety  for  the  aver- 
age, there  was  a decided  monotony  in  the  diet  of  the  individual 
women,  since  bread,  meat  and  potatoes  w^ere  the  only  items  occurring 
in  practically  every  menu.  Some  women,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a 
considerably  greater  variety  than  the  average.  The  fluctuations 
show  no  connection  with  the  nationality  or  type  of  disease,  as  the 
average  variety  for  the  three  nationality  groups  (Table  65)  differed 
by  less  than  3 items,  and  the  groups  with  the  varied  disorders  had 
practically  the  same  average  variety  of  food.  In  a general  way  an 
increased  range  of  food  seemed  to  accompany  an  upward  trend  in 
wages.  Since  these  women  live  as  part  of  a family  group  the  rela- 
tionship was  not  always  consistent.  A decided  increase  appeared  in 
the  number  of  times  in  a week  items  of  food  were  chosen  by  women 
whose  work  required  more  training  and  intelligence.  Less  than  one- 
sixth  (15.6  per  cent.)  of  the  women  in  the  semi-skilled  occupations, 
with  an  average  weekly  wage  of  87.39,  had  more  than  70  items  of 
food  in  a week,  while  almost  one-half  (45.9  per  cent.)  of  the  women 
in  the  more  skilled  positions,  with  an  average  weekly  wage  of  88.71, 
had  this  variety.  Perhaps  the  better  occupations  of  the  women  were 
due  to  higher  family  standards,  and  these  standards  also  determined 
the  wider  range  of  food. 

Some  analysis  of  the  character  of  this  greater  variety  may  prove 
interesting.  Did  the  increasing  number  of  items  take  the  form  of  a 
repetition  of  staple  articles  or  the  addition  of  what  might  be  called 
luxuries?  The  menus  were  composed  largely  of  the  staple  foods;  the 


Table  64.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals,  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly 

Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


141 


142 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


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FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


143 


so-called  extras,  such  as  desserts,  cakes,  pastry  and  salads,  formed 
but  one-twentieth  (4.9  per  cent.)  of  the  total  variety  when  less  than 
60  items  were  consumed  in  the  week.  (Tables  63  and  64.)  The 
protein,  mineral  and  carbohydrate  groups  were  used  a greater  num- 
ber of  times  in  the  increasing  ranges  until  the  average  variety  became 
72  items.  At  this  point  the  appetite  for  protein  and  carbohydrate 
food  seemed  to  be  satisfied.  The  use  of  vegetables  other  than  pota- 
toes, fresh  fruit,  milk  and  cocoa  more  than  doubled  when  the  total 
variety  increased  from  an  average  of  72  to  86  (85.8)  items  for  a week. 

The  marked  differences  in  the  diets  of  the  three  nationality  groups, 
designated  for  convenience  as  the  English  speaking,  non-English 
speaking  and  Russian,  as  shown  in  Table  65,  were  the  greater  use  of 
breads,  cereals,  cakes,  desserts  and  pastry  in  the  English  speaking, 
the  lack  of  vegetables  in  the  Russian,  and  the  extensive  use  of  soup, 
milk  and  cocoa  by  the  non-English  speaking  and  Russian  groups. 
Although  the  Russians  used  fresh  fruit  oftener  than  either  of  the 
other  groups  this  did  not  compensate  for  the  lack  of  vegetables. 
There  was  a striking  similarity  in  the  number  of  times  protein  foods 
were  used  in  the  three  groups  (Table  66),  but  the  distribution  of 
the  items  within  the  group  differed.  The  average  Russian  diet  in- 
cluded meat  once  a day  (7  times  a week),  fish  every  other  day  (3.7 
times  a week),  eggs  three  (3.1)  times  a week.  The  English  and 
non-English  groups  used  meat  9 (9.3)  times,  fish  once  (1),  eggs  three 
(3.1)  times  and  beans  once  (1.2  and  1.9)  a week.  Cheese  formed  a 
small  portion  of  any  diet.  Beef  and  chicken  were  practically  the  only 
meats  used  by  the  Russian  Jews,  while  the  other  nationalities  showed 
a fair  proportion  of  all  meats,  with  beef  predominating.  The  Eng- 
lish-speaking group  consumed  more  cereals,  cakes,  desserts  and  pas- 
try. Sweets  of  any  kind  were  practically  lacking  in  the  Russian 
diet.  Cereals,  a cheap  form  of  carbohydrate  food  containing  the  val- 
uable vitamines,  were  little  used  by  any  group.  Perhaps  the  unwise 
clinging  to  Old  World  standards  under  New  World  industrial  condi- 
tions occasioned  the  disorders  of  nutrition  from  which  so  many  of 
the  Russian  Jewesses  were  suffering.  Fats  were  lacking  in  the  Rus- 
sian diet.  Adherence  to  the  Jewish  religion  prevented  the  use  of 
butter  when  meat  was  served,  and  prohibited  the  use  of  such  fatty 
meats  as  bacon  and  salt  pork.  The  high  protein  diet  of  the  Russians, 
well  adapted  to  outdoor  work,  was  not  modified  by  the  increased 


144 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


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go  i 
3 a a 

sons. 

126 

§ 

16 

60 

CO 

H 

a 

a 

a 

coun- 

M M 

fl  * 

Table  66.  — 

•«! 

Ph 

a 

o 

in 

H 

g 

H 

< 

£ 

Total, 

English-speaking 

tries. 

Non-English  sj 
countries  (ex cl 
Russia). 

Russia,  . 

146 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


consumption  of  bread  or  cereals  and  vegetables.  The  effect  of  this 
lack  of  vegetables  is  so  evident  in  the  case  of  the  Russians  that  it  is 
a common  saying  at  dispensaries  that  it  would  be  safe  to  prescribe 
Russian  oil  for  every  patient  of  that  nationality.  Constipation  is  so 
generally  recognized  to  be  the  cause  of  other  disorders  that  the  results 
of  its  prevalence  among  such  a large  group  of  women  workers  are 
very  far-reaching. 

Since  more  than  three-fifths  (63.3  per  cent.)  of  the  Russians  stud- 
ied had  constipation,  the  similarity  between  the  diet  of  the  women 
suffering  from  constipation  and  the  Russian  diet  was  to  be  expected 
(Tables  65  and  69).  In  comparison  with  that  of  the  women  suffering 
from  other  diseases,  the  diet  of  the  constipation  cases  consisted  of  a 
higher  proportion  of  protein  foods,  a much  larger  proportion  of  liquid 
foods,  soup,  milk,  cocoa,  and  a smaller  proportion  of  vegetables,  all 
of  which  were  directly  conducive  to  constipation.  It  was  often  ig- 
norance that  led  to  an  aggravation  of  this  trouble,  because  as  soon  as 
the  symptoms  appeared  some  of  the  Russian  women  began  consuming 
boiled  milk  and  soups  and  omitting  solid  food  in  the  hope  of  regain- 
ing their  normal  health. 

The  small  use  of  water,  as  estimated  by  the  women  interviewed, 
perhaps  explains  this  prevalence  of  constipation  among  some  of 
them.  The  usual  number  of  glasses  of  water  a day,  from  1 to  2 for 
the  constipation  group,  was  hardly  enough  to  cleanse  their  systems, 
and  from  2 to  3 glasses  for  the  women  with  other  disorders  was 
slightly  better.  Tea,  coffee,  milk,  cocoa  were  substituted  for  water 
to  an  equal  extent  in  each  group.  A general  feeling  existed  that  it 
was  a hardship  to  drink  water  except  in  the  summer.  One  reason 
given  was  that  cold  water  hurt  the  teeth,  which  was  pertinent,  since 
almost  half  (48.7  per  cent.)  of  the  women  complained  of  the  poor 
condition  of  their  teeth.  A second  reason  for  not  drinking  more 
water  was  found  in  the  statement  of  several  women  that  the  drinking 
of  water  between  meals  necessitated  leaving  their  work  at  intervals 
during  the  day,  and  piece  workers  in  particular  did  not  wish  to  lose 
the  time. 

These  causes  of  the  prevalence  of  constipation  were  substantiated 
by  the  findings  of  Dr.  J.  W.  Schereschewsky  in  a study  of  the  health 
of  garment  workers  in  New  York  City.  More  than  one-fourth 
(26.8  per  cent.)  of  the  1,000  women  examined  were  suffering  from 
chronic  constipation.  More  than  one-fifth  (22.6  per  cent.)  had  de- 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS 


147 


148 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


149 


fective  teeth.1  The  causes  for  this  large  proportion  suffering  from 
constipation  were  summarized  as  follows:2  — 

In  addition  to  purely  occupational  conditions,  such  as  defective  posture  and 
the  sitting  position  which  favor  habitual  constipation,  it  would  seem  that  certain 
dietetic  factors  in  the  case  of  garment  workers  predispose  to  this  condition. 

The  use  of  green  vegetables  and  fresh  fruit  among  garment  workers  was  small, 
and  milk  was  very  generally  drunk,  especially  at  lunch  time.  Perhaps,  however, 
the  most  important  personal  factor  in  inducing  this  condition  was  the  very 
general  neglect  on  the  part  of  garment  workers  of  forming  regular  habits  of 
defecation.  Leaving  their  homes  for  their  work  hurriedly  in  the  morning,  the 
visit  to  the  toilet  is  put  off  for  some  more  convenient  time,  and  is  too  often 
forgotten  in  the  stress  of  work  at  the  shop. 


The  data  collected  for  the  study  seemed  to  disprove  the  common 
assumption  that  women  suffering  from  unwise  selections  of  food  are 
excessive  users  of  tea  and  coffee.  Since  over  half  (50.8  per  cent.)  of 
the  women  omit  coffee  and  one-fourth  (23  per  cent.)  tea,  the  average 
for  those  drinking  these  beverages  is  once  a day  (6.7  times  a wTeek) 
for  coffee  and  8 (8.4)  times  a week  for  tea. 

With  a few  exceptions  the  excessive  use  of  candy  very  evidently 
has  little  connection  with  the  ill  health  of  these  women,  since  less 
than  one-eighth  (12.5  per  cent.)  reported  regular  consumption  of  this 
confection. 

The  use  of  the  average  in  this  food  discussion  resulted  in  the 
shortcomings  of  one  menu  correcting  to  a certain  extent  the  short- 
comings of  others.  This  average  shows  the  family  standard  of  living 
of  a low  wage,  predominantly  immigrant  group.  The  monotonous 
diet  of  bread,  meat  and  potatoes,  prepared  with  little  knowledge  of 
skillful  cookery,  characterized  in  general  the  choice  of  food  of  this 
group.  There  were,  however,  striking  variations  among  the  menus 
submitted,  as  are  shown  in  the  accompanying  samples. 

A twenty-year-old  telephone  operator,  native  born  of  Irish  parents, 
suffering  from  stomach  trouble,  reported  Menu  I.,  and  a twenty- two- 
year-old  Russian  Jewess  who  had  been  in  this  country  for  eight 
years,  a bowmaker  in  a candy  factory,  with  the  prevalent  disorder, 
constipation,  reported  Menu  II.  The  total  varieties  differ  by  but 
one  item,  and  approximate  the  average  variety  for  the  group.  The 

1 United  States  Public  Health  Service,  Bulletin  No.  71,  May,  1915,  Studies  in  Vocational  Diseases, 
I.,  The  Health  of  Garment  Workers,  by  J.  W.  Schereschewsky,  p.  55. 

2 Ibid,  p.  64. 


Table  70.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Protein  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of 
Diet  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and  Other  Disorders. 


150 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Average  Number  op  Times  a Week  Foods  characterized  by  Protein  were  eaten. 

BEANS. 

Per 

Cent. 

CO  t-I  IO 

Num- 

ber. 

O CO  i-H 

a 

i 

H 

K 

o 

Per 

Cent. 

CO  CO  t>* 

Num- 

ber. 

.5 

.5 

.5 

EGGS. 

Per 

Cent. 

5.1 

5.0 

4.1 

Num- 

ber. 

3.1 

3.4 

2.9 

FISH. 

Per  1 
Cent.  | 

3.8 

4.3 

2.6 

Num- 

ber. 

2.3 

2.9 

1.9 

ALL  MEAT. 

Per 

Cent. 

13.5 

11.3 

11.8 

Num- 

ber. 

8.2 

7.7 

8.5 

OTHER 

MEAT. 

Num- 

ber. 

^ CO  ^4 

CHICK- 

EN. 

1 

S £ 
&* 

1.0 

1.5 

.6 

MUT- 

TON. 

i s 
1-° 

»o  c 

PORK. 

Num- 

ber. 

1.5 

.7 

2.0 

fc 

H 

W 

n 

Num-  1 
ber.  j 

3.8 

3.8 

3.9 

TOTAL. 

Per  | 
Cent.  | 

24.8 

22.3 

20.7 

Num- 

ber. 

15.1 

15.3 

14.9 

Num- 
ber of 
Per- 
sons. 

126 

48 

78 

Diagnoses. 

Total,  .... 

Constipation, 

Other  diagnoses,  . 

<» 

£ 

53 

II 

•*o  05 
05  O 

3 "53 

"■S  § 

cc  ® 
© § 

.&• 

►Tf*  <*> 

© s 

"g  o 


§j 


5 a 


£ ^ 
1-° 


is 

1-° 


£ © 
<©  >- 

5:35 

§..§ 
© fc. 

>•  ^ 
^ *§> 
^ 8 
•«  so 

s 

C3  V? 


4 <5 

<3 

c£ 


>5 

© 
03  03 


53 

s> 


6 M 

1-3 

^•e 

^ | 

^ "53 

05  si 

o c 
8 1 
s •§ 
s | 

■s-*3 

&| 

> •"§ 


o £ 
CL  © 


|| 

55  ^ 


5 a 


£ 

3 o 


£ 

3 ® 

55-° 


£ O i g 
Sh.#g 
iJ3  ©q.  o 

to 


c 2 

O G 

.S 


§ 5 
o o 


Table  72.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Foods  containing  Minerals , and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly 
Range  of  Diet  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients  suffering  from  Constipation  and  Other  Disorders. 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


151 


152 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


monotony  of  diet,  absence  of  sweets,  mineral  foods  and  the  abun- 
dance of  liquid  foods,  as  indicated  by  the  average  for  the  Russian 
group,  were  repeated  in  Menu  II.  Seven  kinds  of  protein  food  — 
eggs,  fish,  beef,  pork,  lamb,  chicken  and  beans  — were  eaten  18  times 
in  all;  cake,  desserts  and  pastry  12  times;  potatoes  10  times;  other 
vegetables  twice;  soup  twice;  and  milk  once  a week  in  Menu  I.,  while 
3 protein  foods  — chicken,  eggs  and  liver  — were  eaten  15  times;  no 
sweets  or  desserts;  potatoes  once;  soup  8 times;  and  cocoa  and  milk 
16  times  a week  in  Menu  II.  The  use  of  butter  was  not  consistently 
mentioned  in  either  of  the  menus,  but  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  it  was 
used  more  frequently  in  Menu  I.  than  in  Menu  II.,  where  it  had  to 
be  omitted  at  7 meals,  every  time  meat  was  used. 


Menu  I . 


Breakfast. 

Lunch. 

Supper. 

Monday,  . . 

Coffee. 

E scalloped  potatoes. 

Lamb  chop. 

Oatmeal. 

Chicken  sandwich. 

Baked  potato. 

Ham  omelet. 

Bread  pudding. 

Toast. 

Toast. 

Milk. 

Custard  pie. 

Tea. 

Hot  biscuit. 

Tuesday,  .... 

Boiled  eggs. 

Ham. 

Cold  ham. 

Tea. 

Potatoes. 

Cake. 

Toast. 

Turnips. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Tea. 

Wednesday, 

Farina. 

Stewed  tomatoes. 

Beefsteak. 

Toast. 

Rolls. 

Baked  potatoes. 

Tea. 

Coffee  jelly. 
Tea. 

Tea. 

Cake. 

Thursday, 

2 eggs. 

Curried  lamb. 

Veal  cutlets. 

Muffins. 

Boiled  potato. 

Baked  potato. 

Tea. 

Rice  pudding. 

Tea. 

Hot  muffins. 

Friday,  .... 

3 fish  cakes. 

Fish  chowder. 

Baked  stuffed  had- 

Coffee. 

Tea. 

dock. 

Toast. 

Pie. 

Boiled  potato. 
Tea. 

Cake. 

Saturday, 

2 lamb  chops. 

Beans. 

Ham. 

Bread. 

Rolls. 

Boiled  potato. 

Tea. 

Prune  jelly. 

Tea. 

Tea. 

Muffins. 

Cake. 

Sunday 

Beefsteak. 

Beefsteak. 

Chicken  soup. 

Toast. 

French  fried  potatoes. 

Roast  pork. 

Coffee. 

Coffee. 

Pie. 

Mashed  potato. 
Whipped  cream  pie. 
Tea. 

FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


153 


Menu  II. 


Breakfast. 

Lunch. 

Supper. 

Monday,  . 

Egg. 

Milk. 

Oatmeal. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Chicken. 

Soup. 

Bread. 

Tuesday,  . 

2 eggs. 

MUk. 

Bread. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Chicken. 

Soup. 

Bread. 

Wednesday, 

Malted  milk. 

2 boiled  eggs. 
Bread  and  butter. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Milk. 

Soup. 

Chicken. 

Bread. 

Thursday, 

• 

Malted  milk. 

2 boiled  eggs. 
Bread  and  butter. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Potatoes. 

Cream. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Friday,  . 

■ • • 

2 boiled  eggs. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Chicken. 

Soup. 

Bread. 

Chicken. 

Soup. 

Crackers. 

Saturday, 

. 

1 egg. 
Milk. 
Crackers. 

Chicken. 

Soup. 

Bread. 

Cream. 

Bread  and  butter. 
Tea. 

Sunday,  . 

Bread  and  butter. 
Potatoes. 

Cocoa. 

Chopped  liver. 
Chicken. 

Soup. 

Bread. 

2 boiled  eggs. 
Bread  and  butter. 
Milk. 

Service  of  Food. 

It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  preparation  and  service  of  food 
are  quite  as  important  as  the  quality  and  selection  of  the  food  itself 
in  aiding  its  digestion.  The  meals  of  these  working  women  were 
hastily  served,  with  slight  formality  and  interspersed  with  little  con- 
versation. The  usual  time  consumed  in  eating  the  meals,  estimated 
in  all  cases  by  the  women  themselves,  was  from  ten  to  twenty  min- 
utes for  breakfast  and  from  fifteen  to  thirty  minutes  each  for  lunch 
and  supper.  There  are  various  reasons  why  the  meal  periods  were  so 
curtailed.  In  general,  the  breakfast  period  was  more  hurried  for  the 
70  (69.8)  per  cent,  of  the  women  who  had  to  be  at  work  before  8 
o’clock  than  for  those  reporting  at  work  later.  When  the  lunch 
period  was  lengthened  to  forty-five  minutes  or  an  hour  the  women 
ate  in  a more  leisurely  fashion.  The  desire  to  have  longer  evenings 
for  the  movies,  night  school  at  7.15  o’clock,  and  the  meal  habits  of 
the  families  all  tended  to  shorten  the  supper  period. 

The  collection  of  the  schedules  at  supper  time  revealed  the  manner 
of  serving  that  meal.  It  was  the  common  procedure  for  each  person 
to  get  his  or  her  food,  which  the  mother  served  from  the  stove,  and 


154 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


to  sit  down  to  eat  at  the  partially  set  table,  regardless  of  any  other 
members  of  the  family. 

Conditions  were  not  more  conducive  to  pleasant,  social  noon  meals 
for  two-thirds  (66.7  per  cent.)  of  the  women  who  ate  their  lunches 
at  work.  One-fourth  (26.2  per  cent.)  of  the  women  went  home  because 
of  a preference  for  a hot,  though  hurried,  meal.  Only  9 of  the  126 
women  regularly  bought  their  lunches.  Eating  was  evidently  a dis- 
agreeable duty,  to  be  performed  as  quickly  as  possible,  with  no  pleasur- 
able anticipation  or  real  relaxation  from  the  strain  of  work. 

Certain  irregularities  in  the  distribution  of  the  meals  in  the  day 
had  a bad  effect  upon  the  health  of  a few  women.  Three-fourths 
(75.4  per  cent.)  had  a normal  distribution  of  from  ten  to  twelve  hours 
between  breakfast  and  supper,  with  the  lunch  period  making  a fairly 
even  break.  Five  women  having  irregular  meals,  and  4 machine 
operators  and  1 candy  dipper,  who  worked  from  eight  to  nine  and 
one-half  hours  a day,  regularly  omitted  breakfast  because  they  had 
no  appetite  so  early  in  the  morning.  They  did  not  realize  the  possi- 
ble connection  between  their  persistent  tired  feeling  and  this  post- 
ponement of  the  first  meal  until  noon.  Irregular  meal  periods,  caused 
by  intermittent  changes  of  working  hours  or  widely  separated  daily 
shifts  of  work,  were  reported  as  the  cause  of  their  lack  of  appetite 
and  poor  health  by  3 women.  Working  hours  extending  until  10,  11 
and  12  o’clock  at  night,  necessitating  meals  at  extremely  irregular 
hours,  were  alleged  to  be  the  cause  of  ill  health  by  3 other  workers. 

Economic  Status. 

The  quality  of  the  food  depends  on  the  intelligence  as  well  as  the 
income  of  the  family,  and  these  together  indicate  the  standard  of 
living.  The  economic  status  of  the  families  as  shown  by  the  number 
of  persons,  including  the  wage  earners  themselves,  sharing  the  income 
of  each  wage  earner,  is  given  in  Table  73.  Only  members  of  the  fam- 
ily gainfully  employed  were  included  as  wage  earners.  The  average 
number  of  persons  for  each  wage  earner  was  about  2 (1.98)  for  the 
total  group,  slightly  less  (1.93  to  1.94)  for  the  English-speaking  and 
Russian  groups,  and  higher  (2.09)  for  the  non-English  speaking 
group.  The  number  dependent  upon  each  wage  earner  in  the  fami- 
lies ranged  from  1 to  5 persons.  The  families  consisted  of  from  2 to 
12  persons,  the  most  common  number  being  6.  When  only  a few 
shared  the  income  of  one  wage  earner  the  family  was  usually  mature, 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


155 


and  the  financial  strain  was  lessened  accordingly.  If  the  wages  of 
the  women  themselves  were  indicative  of  the  standards  of  their  fam- 
ilies, the  status  of  the  non-English  and  Russian  groups  was  lower 
than  that  of  the  English-speaking  group,  since  the  average  wage  for 
the  women  in  each  group  was  $7.39,  $7.62  and  $8.07,  respectively. 
It  was  customary  for  the  children  to  enter  industry  at  an  early  age. 
More  than  one-half  (54.8  per  cent.)  of  the  workers  interviewed  had 
begun  to  work  before  they  were  sixteen,  and  seven-eighths  (86.5  per 
cent.)  before  they  were  eighteen,  years  of  age.  In  the  110  families 
where  the  women  formed  part  of  their  own  family  groups,  one-third 
(34.3  per  cent.)  of  the  wage  earners  were  the  women  themselves;  20 


Table  73.  — Economic  Status  of  the  Families  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six 

Dispensary  Patients. 


Nativity  of  Parents. 

Total. 

Women 

adrift. 

Families  in  which  the  Average 
Number  of  Persons  dependent  upon  Each 
Wage  Earner  was  — 

1 and 
less 

than  2. 

2 and 
less 

than  3. 

3 and 
less 

than  4. 

4 and 
less 

than  5. 

5 and 
less 

than  6. 

Total, 

126 

16 

52 

32 

16 

8 

2 

English-speaking  countries,  . 

50 

4 

19 

19 

4 

3 

1 

Non-English  speaking  coun- 

16 

2 

7 

3 

3 

1 

- 

tries  (excluding  Russia). 
Russia, 

60 

10 

26 

10 

9 

4 

1 

(19.6)  per  cent.,  their  sisters;  19  (18.7)  per  cent.,  their  brothers;  17 

(17.1)  per  cent.,  their  fathers;  2 (2.2)  per  cent.,  their  mothers;  and  8 

(8.1)  per  cent.,  other  relatives.  Sixty-eight  fathers  were  living;  of 
these,  55  were  working,  15  were  in  business  or  professional,  though 
not  high-paid,  positions,  such  as  Jewish  teachers,  storekeepers  and 
charcoal  salesmen,  and  40  were  in  manual  occupations.  Seven 
mothers  worked,  — 3 day  workers,  2 midwives,  1 machine  operator 
and  1 boarding-house  keeper.  In  the  effort  to  supplement  the  family 
income  9 families  kept  1 lodger  and  1 family  kept  2 lodgers.  No 
effort  was  made  to  ascertain  family  incomes,  but  the  general  status  of 
the  family  in  respect  to  the  number  of  wage  earners,  the  occupations 
of  the  parents,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the  average  weekly  earn- 
ings of  the  women  interviewed  were  less  than  $8  ($7.77),  indicated 
that  the  family  incomes  were  small. 


156 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Living  Conditions. 

The  living  conditions  probably  had  a definite  influence  upon  thi 
health  of  these  women.  All  but  11  lived  in  tenements/  but  under  verj 
diverse  conditions;  some  had  2 rooms  for  each  person;  in  others,  th< 
average  was  3 persons  for  each  room.  One-sixth  (16.7  per  cent.)  livec 
in  overcrowded  homes,  or  those  where  there  were  more  than  1.5  per- 
sons for  each  room.2  This  crowded  condition  was  more  evidem 
among  the  non-English  and  Russian  people  than  among  the  English- 
speaking  group.  Thirty  per  cent,  of  the  homes  had  no  bathtubs. 

In  connection  with  housing  conditions  in  general,  sleeping  arrange- 
ments are  important  in  preserving  health.  Only  13  of  the  126  women 
reported  sleeping  with  the  windows  shut,  but  it  was  reasonable  tc 
assume  from  the  general  conditions  of  the  homes  that  the  ventila- 
tion was  inadequate  in  numerous  other  cases.  Only  2 women  slept 
m an  alcove  where  the  ventilation  was  dependent  on  the  windows  in 
other  rooms.  More  than  one-third  (34.1  per  cent.)  roomed  alone, 
one-half  (52.4  per  cent.)  shared  a room  with  1 other,  and  one-eighth 
(lo.5  per  cent.)  with  2 others.  An  unexpectedly  large  proportion 
(40.5  per  cent.)  had  no  bedfellows,  over  half  (56.3  per  cent.)  but  1, 
and  only  3 (3.2)  per  cent.,  2 bedfellows.  While  the  hours  of  sleep 
varied  from  seven  to  eleven,  almost  half  (49.2  per  cent.)  had  from 
eight  to  nine  hours,  which  is  commonly  supposed  to  be  sufficient;  one- 
fifth  (22.6  per  cent.)  had  less  and  one-fourth  (28.2  per  cent.)  more 
than  this  usual  amount.  A number  of  the  women  (29.6  per  cent.) 
complained  of  sleeping  poorly,  no  doubt  because  of  their  physical 
condition. 

The  condition  of  the  teeth  explained  the  prevalence  of  liquid  food, 
and  the  poor  mastication  and  digestion  of  solid  foods.  Almost  half 
(48.7  per  cent.)  reported  that  they  needed  dental  work;  the  majority 
of  these  had  postponed  this  treatment  for  financial  reasons.  Three- 
fourths  (77.2  per  cent.)  cleaned  their  teeth  once  a day,  but  7 (7.3) j 
per  cent,  failed  to  maintain  this  minimum  standard. 

The  lack  of  even  the  usual  standard  of  cleanliness  accounted  for 
the  prevalence  of  petty  disorders.  More  than  one-fifth  (22.6  per 

cent.)  of  the  workers  interviewed  had  less  than  one  bath  a week 
— — * 

1 As  defined  in  Acts  and  Resolves  of  Massachusetts,  1913,  chapter  786,  Part  I. 

2 Chapin,  Robert  Coit:  The  Standard  of  Living  among  Workingmen’s  Families  in  New  York  Citv 

1909,  pp.  80,  81.  y 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


157 


almost  half  (47.8  per  cent.)  but  one  a week,  and  only  one-fourth 
(29.6  per  cent.)  more  than  one  a week.  The  absence  of  adequate 
facilities  partially  explained  this  seeming  aversion  to  bathing,  al- 
though some  Russian  immigrants,  in  particular,  were  afraid  of  taking 
cold  by  bathing  in  the  winter. 


Relation  of  Industry  to  Health. 

The  effect  of  industrial  overstrain  upon  the  health  of  the  women 
workers  would  lead  to  disorders  of  nutrition,  since  digestion  is  one  of 
the  first  bodily  functions  to  suffer  in  exhaustion.1  The  occupations 
of  the  women  studied,  classified  by  the  types  of  work  and  the  weekly 
hours  of  work,  are  shown  in  Table  74.  Half  (50.8  per  cent.)  of  the 
total  group  interviewed  worked  from  fifty  to  fifty-five  hours  a week, 
the  legal  limit  being  fifty-four  hours,  one-third  (32.5  per  cent.)  from 
forty-five  to  fifty  hours,  and  the  remainder  less  than  forty-five 
hours.  The  strain  in  manufacturing  pursuits  caused  by  piecework, 
machine  operating,  noise,  speed  and  monotony  was  further  increased 
by  long  hours,  since  three-fifths  (61.6  per  cent.)  of  the  women  em- 
ployed in  manufacturing  worked  the  legal  limit  or  a few  hours  less, 
and  almost  one-third  (31.4  per  cent.)  worked  from  forty-five  to  fifty 
hours  a week.  The  strain  caused  by  the  complexity  and  speed  in  the 
telephone  service  was  relieved,  to  some  extent,  by  the  shorter  hours, 
since  forty-eight  hours  in  any  week  was  the  longest  period  worked  by 
the  telephone  operators  included  in  this  study.  The  majority  of  the 
women  in  clerical  and  selling  positions  worked  less  than  fifty  hours  a 
week.  These  occupations  at  times  necessitated  working  under  a 
nervous  strain,  and  saleswomen  stood  the  greater  part  of  the  day. 
Machine  operating  employed  one-fifth  (22.2  per  cent.)  of  the  126 
workers,  and  half  of  the  machine  operators  (53.6  per  cent.)  were 
piece  workers,  thus  combining  the  nervous  tension  caused  by  running 
the  high-speed  powrer  machines  with  that  brought  on  by  piecework. 
The  majority  of  those  doing  hand  work  in  manufacturing  pursuits 
(33.3  per  cent,  of  the  total  group)  were  time  workers.  Only  14  of  the 
126  women  reported  overtime. 

The  weekly  hours  of  work  indicated  time  actually  spent  in  the 
factory,  store  or  office,  as  the  case  might  be,  but  gave  no  idea  of  the 
time  that  must  be  devoted  to  work,  which  would  include  that  spent 


1 Goldmark,  Josephine:  Fatigue  and  Efficiency,  1912,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  283,  284. 


158  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 

in  coming  to  and  returning  from  work  and  the  lunch  period.  Using 
the  entire  working  time  as  a basis,  almost  half  (46  per  cent.)  of  the 
women  interviewed  had  to  devote  from  ten  to  eleven  hours  each  day 
to  work,  one-fourth  (28.6  per  cent.)  from  nine  to  ten,  one-sixth  (15.1 
per  cent.)  from  eleven  to  twelve,  and  most  of  the  others  less  than 
nine  hours. 

These  hours  were  not  so  long  on  Saturdays  in  the  case  of  69  women 
who  stopped  work  at  12  or  1 o'clock,  and  2 women  who  took  all  day 
Saturday  for  rest.  In  the  summer  months  3 other  women  had  a half 

Table  74.  — Weekly  Hours  of  Work  in  Different  Occupations  reported  by  One 
Hundred  and  Twenty-six  Dispensary  Patients. 


Women  working  Specified  Number 
of  Hours. 


Occupations. 

Num- 

ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Less 

than 

40 

Hours. 

40 

Hours 
and  less 
than 

45. 

45 

Hours 
and  less 
than 

50. 

50 

Hours 
and  less 
than 

55. 

Irreg- 

ular. 

Total 

126 

100.0 

6 

10 

41 

64 

5 

All  manufacturing,  .... 

86 

68.2 

1 

3 

27 

53 

2 • 

Clothing:  — 

Machine  operators, 

20 

15.9 

4 

16 

Hand  workers,  .... 

17 

13.5 

1 

- 

3 

11 

2 ; 

Other  manufacturing:  — 

Machine  operators, 

Hand  workers,  . . . . 

8 

6.3 

4 

4 

25 

19.8 

- 

2 

12 

11 

- 

Packers,  examiners,  errand  girls, 

13 

10.3 

- 

- 

3 

10 

- 

Forewomen,  .... 

3 

2.4 

- 

1 

1 

1 

- t 

Clerical, 

16 

12.7 

2 

4 

4 

5 

i 

Selling, 

14 

11.1 

2 

- 

6 

5 

i 

Telephone  operating, 

7 

5. '6 

- 

3 

3 

- 

* - • 

Miscellaneous  occupations, 

3 

2.4 

- 

- 

1 

1 

1 1 

'.i 


holiday  and  6 others  the  whole  day.  Since  half  (50.4  per  cent.)  of  ; 
the  workers  walked  to  and  from  their  work,  about  three-sevenths 
(42.3  per  cent.)  rode,  and  the  others  (7.3  per  cent.)  walked  one  way, 
part  of  this  time  consumed  in  walking  to  and  from  work  might  be 
called  exercise. 

The  nervous  strain  of  shifting  from  one  position  to  another  is  quite 
as  exhaustive  as  work  itself.  Almost  one-third  (31.2  per  cent.),  or 
39  women,  of  the  dispensary  group  and  been  in  their  positions  less 
than  one  year.  The  majority  (30)  of  these  had  had  one  other  place, 


4 


FOOD  OF  CERTAIN  DISPENSARY  PATIENTS. 


159 


while  a few  (5)  had  held  from  2 to  4 other  positions.  The  larger 
proportion  of  the  women  interviewed,  however,  were  not  part  of  the 
shifting  industrial  population,  since  almost  three-fifths  (56  per  cent.) 
had  held  the  same  position  for  from  one  to  five  years,  and  one-eighth 
(12.8  per  cent.)  from  six  to  twelve  years.  This  did  not  necessarily 
mean  regular  employment  throughout  the  year,  since  the  larger  pro- 
portion (68.2  per  cent.)  of  the  women  were  in  manufacturing  occu- 
pations, and  therefore  subjected  to  seasonal  employment  with  its 
attendant  irregular  pay. 


Uses  of  Leisure  Time. 

The  leisure  times  were  obviously  the  hours  left  after  the  sleeping 
hours  and  time  devoted  to  work  were  deducted.  The  daily  hours  of 
leisure  ranged  from  two  and  one-half  to  eight,  but  two-fifths  (39.7 


Table  75.  — Uses  made  of  Leisure  Time  by  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-six 

Dispensary  Patients. 


Daily  Hours  of 
Leisure. 


Total, 

Less  than  4 hours, 

4 hours  and  less  than  5, 

5 hours  and  less  than  6, 

6 hours  and  less  than  7, 

7 hours  and  more, 
Irregular,  . 


All 

Women. 


126 

9 

26 

50 

25 


Total. 


346 

20 

75 

130 

78 

22 

21 


Women  reporting  Uses  of  Leisure  as 


Recre- 

ation. 


Exer- 

cise. 


Educa- 

tion. 


Work. 


146 

10 

37 

53 

27 

9 

10 


Rest. 


Not 

report- 

ing. 


12 


1 Number  of  women  irrespective  of  number  of  uses  of  leisure  time  reported. 


per  cent.)  of  the  workers  had  from  five  to  six' hours  a day.  These 
periods,  however,  included  the  time  spent  rising,  retiring  and  eating 
breakfast  and  supper.  The  various  uses  of  this  free  time,  as  reported 
by  the  workers,  are  shown  in  Table  75.  It  is  obvious  that  this  lei- 
sure time  probably  is  used  for  more  than  one  purpose  by  each  woman. 
The  various  occupations  of  this  time  were  given  by  the  women  inter- 
viewed as  the  things  they  usually  did  in  one  week.  Housework, 
laundry  and  sewing,  classed  as  work,  were  most  frequently  reported; 


160 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


movies,  clubs,  visits  to  friends  and  other  forms  of  recreation  were 
next;  and  walking,  third.  Twenty-eight  of  the  women  were  too  tired 
after  working  hours  to  do  anything  but  rest.  While  every  woman 
reported  at  least  one  kind  of  work,  only  a little  over  one-half  reported 
some  form  of  recreation. 

The  general  low  standards  of  living,  the  strain  of  industry,  the 
short  leisure  periods  were  evidently  partial  causes  in  undermining  the 
health  of  the  126  dispensary  patients  interviewed.  Probably  all  these 
conditions  were  aggravated  by  an  unwise  selection  of  food,  especially 
by  a monotonous  diet,  limited  use  of  vegetables  and  fats,  particu- 
larly in  the  case  of  the  Russian  Jewesses.  Since  this  study  was  neces- 
sarily concerned  with  the  group  as  a whole,  equal  weight  was  given 
to  all  probable  causes  of  ill  health.  For  practical  application  the 
importance  given  to  each  element  conducive  to  ill  health  in  the  in- 
dividual cases  would  receive  different  weights,  and  the  results  com- 
pared with  the  average  for  the  group;  for  instance,  food  might  be 
the  most  important  cause  in  one  case  and  working  conditions  in 
another. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


161 


CHAPTER  VI. 

COMPARATIVE  SUMMARIES  AND  CONSTRUCTIVE  SUGGESTIONS. 

Nutrition  investigations  are  attaining  an  important  place  in  the 
public  health  service  because  of  the  growing  recognition  of  the  part 
they  play  in  preventive  medicine.  Recent  studies  have  shown  the 
direct  connection  between  faulty  diets  and  such  maladies  as  pellagra 
and  beriberi,  and  reasons  have  been  found  for  believing  that  wrong 
quantities  or  unsuitable  forms  of  food  are  to  blame  for  many  other 
morbid  conditions  of  the  body.  A complete  revolution  is  taking 
place  in  the  methods  of  preventing  the  spread  of  infectious  diseases, 
since  it  is  now  realized  that  it  is  impossible  to  extend  the  older 
activities  of  quarantine  and  disinfection  so  that  the  public  will  be 
safeguarded  from  the  spread  of  disease  by  persons  who  may  carry 
germs  to  others  without  suffering  seriously  from  their  presence. 
Increased  attention  must  be  given  to  fortifying  each  individual  so 
that  he  will  carry  his  defences  with  him.  Whether  this  immunity 
is  won  through  the  activities  of  the  scavenger  cells  of  the  body,  by 
the  secretion  of  antiseptic  fluids,  or  by  the  creation  of  anti-bodies, 
it  is  in  every  case  promoted  by  a well-nourished,  vigorously  function- 
ing physical  condition,  and  so  is  directly  dependent  on  an  adequate 
supply  of  properly  selected  food. 

National  vitality  is  regarded  as  the  most  valuable  of  the  country’s 
resources,  and  as  the  one  most  in  need  of  careful  conservation.  Its 
direct  dependence  on  the  health  of  the  mothers  of  future  genera- 
tions has  led  all  civilized  countries  to  enact  laws  for  the  safe- 
guarding of  working  women,  but  these  laws  can  establish  only  mini- 
mum conditions  of  protection,  as  otherwise  they  would  defeat  their 
purpose  by  taking  from  women  the  opportunity  to  compete  with 
men  in  efforts  to  earn  a livelihood.  The  same  ends  which  have  been 
promoted  by  protective  legislation  also  may  be  gained  by  teaching 
women  how  to  nourish  and  exercise  their  bodies,  and  how  to  direct 
their  activities  so  that  what  strength  they  possess  may  be  applied 
most  effectively.  Indeed,  the  objects  sought  in  labor  legislation 
never  can  be  attained  fully  until  the  activities  of  factory  inspectors 


162 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


are  supplemented  by  constructive  work  on  the  part  of  public  health 
officers. 

Such  constructive  work  in  the  field  of  dietetics  should  begin  with 
efforts  to  promote  the  better  nourishment  of  the  women  under 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  because  a greater  proportion  of  the  female 
population  of  this  age  group  is  at  work,  and  because  these  younger 
women  need  more  food  than  mature  women.  One-half  of  the 
younger  women  of  Boston  are  at  work,1  and  the  records  of  the  school 
placement  bureau  show  that  about  a third  of  these  women  under 
twenty-one  became  wage  earners  when  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  of 
age.  Their  health  gains  peculiar  social  significance  when  we  realize 
that  the  half  of  the  female  population  who  have  the  experiences  of 
wage  earners  marry  in  a larger  proportion,  at  an  earlier  age,  and 
produce  more  children  than  the  half  who  enjoy  a longer  period  of 
training  and  protection. 

The  younger  women  need  more  food  in  order  to  supply  the  double 
demands  of  growth  and  maintenance.  They  are  in  the  period  of 
transition  from  childhood  to  womanhood,  during  which  the  bony  and 
muscular  structure  is  completed,  and  the  organs  and  glands  of  the 
reproductive  system  are  matured  and  started  upon  a type  of  func- 
tioning which  often  brings  greatly  increased  nutritional  demands. 
Tissue  building  is  expensive,  and  a rich  and  abundant  diet  is  required 
if  there  is  to  be  the  necessary  surplus  after  energy  has  been  sup- 
plied for  the  day’s  work.  Greater  physical  exertion  is  required  in 
the  occupations  of  the  younger  than  in  those  of  the  adult  women, . 
as  the  majority  of  the  former  are  factory  workers  or  unskilled  assist 
ants  in  mercantile  establishments,  while  a large  proportion  of  the 
latter  hold  sedentary  clerical  and  professional  positions. 

These  younger  working  women  usually  live  with  their  own  or  an 
adoptive  family  group;  only  6 of  the  261  women  found  living  away] 
from  their  families  were  under  twenty  years  of  age.2  Three-fourths 
of  the  housekeepers  of  these  family  groups  were  born  in  foreign ; 
lands,3  and  many  of  them  are  unable  to  speak  the  language  used  in 
the  markets  where  they  spend  limited  family  incomes  on  unaccus- 
tomed viands.  Wholesome  ways  of  living  which  have  survived 
through  generations  of  life  on  a peasant  farm  of  Europe  may  be  ill 
adapted  to  conditions  found  in  the  tenements  of  an  American  city. 
No  doubt  all  the  members  of  the  family  suffer  because  of  these  dif- 


Table  1,  p.  14. 


2 Table  29,  p.  70. 


* Table  3,  p.  16. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


163 


Acuities  of  readjustment,  but  the  results  are  apt  to  be  most  disastrous 
for  those  who  need  the  richer  diet  required  to  supply  both  growth 
and  bodily  maintenance. 

Domestic  science  teachers  should  be  sent  into  the  homes  of  immi- 
grant families  to  assist  housekeepers  in  the  selection  and  preparation 
of  well-balanced  and  economical  family  bills  of  fare.  The  Cal- 
ifornia Immigration  Commission  has  promoted  such  a plan,  and 
secured  the  adoption  of  a law  making  possible  the  employment  of 
such  teachers  throughout  the  State.  They  may  be  paid  from  public 
school  funds,  since  their  services  are  regarded  as  a part  of  the  pub- 
lic educational  work.  Similar  instruction  is  being  given  in  eastern 
cities  by  settlement  and  relief  workers.1  In  the  absence  of  these 
direct  efforts  to  modify  family  standards  of  living  we  must  depend 
on  thorough  instruction  in  the  public  schools,  combined  with  sys- 
tematic efforts  to  encourage  the  children  to  apply  their  knowledge 
in  the  home.  Difficulties  and  delays  seem  inseparable  from  the 
efforts  to  modify  family  dietaries.  Prompter  relief  may  be  given 
the  young  working  women  by  assistance  in  procuring  an  inexpensive 
and  nourishing  noon  luncheon. 

The  results  of  the  present  study  indicate  that  the  facilities  for 
obtaining  an  adequate  noon  luncheon  are  apt  to  be  in  an  inverse 
ratio  to  the  need  for  nourishment.  The  women  having  the  longest 
work  day,  the  lowest  wage,  the  most  physical  strain  and  the  greatest 
nutritional  needs  had  the  shortest  lunch  period  and  the  least  assist- 
ance in  obtaining  a satisfying  meal.  Thus  we  find  that  a third  of 
the  power-machine  operators  and  active  semi-skilled  workers  of  the 
factory  district  had  a thirty-minute  noon  period,  while  three-fourths 
of  the  women  doing  lighter  office  work  had  the  full  hour  for  rest 
and  refreshment.2  The  frequency  of  piecework  and  the  half  hour 
for  lunch  in  the  low  wage  group  exceeded  that  of  the  higher  wage 
group.3  Eighty  per  cent,  of  the  women  engaged  in  manufacturing  never 
bought  a hot  noon  lunch,  while  only  20  per  cent,  of  the  women  em- 
ployed in  stores  were  unable  to  enjoy  the  greater  comfort  of  a cafeteria 
service,  and  but  40  per  cent,  of  the  women  doing  the  lighter  office 
work  ate  cold  lunches.4  The  younger  women,  whose  nutritional  needs 

1 Gibbs,  Winifred  Stuart:  The  Minimum  Cost  of  Living.  This  book  gives  a summary  of  the  results 
of  such  work  for  families  assisted  by  the  New  York  Association  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Poor. 

2 Table  11,  p.  30. 

3 Table  8,  p.  26. 

4 Table  6,  p.  21. 


164 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


are  greater  than  those  of  mature  women,  were  found  largely  in  the 
poorly  paid,  short  noon  hour  groups. 

The  more  general  adoption  of  the  full  hour  noon  period  would  be 
a simple  and  inexpensive  first  step  towards  improved  conditions. 
No  argument  is  needed  to  prove  that  uncomfortable  results  often 
must  follow  the  hasty  swallowing  of  a cold  lunch  during  a short 
interval  between  the  periods  of  high  tension  characteristic  of  factory 
piecework.  The  focusing  of  attention  on  eating,  particularly  when 
accompanied  by  pleasurable  anticipations,  is  a means  of  promoting 
the  flow  of  digestive  juices.  The  longer  noon  period  makes  possible 
some  simple  efforts  at  serving  the  lunch  more  attractively,  encourages 
less  hasty  eating,  and  invites  restful  social  intercourse  or  some  form 
of  diverting  mental  or  physical  activity. 

The  economic  value  of  a good  noon  meal  is  clearly  shown  by  an 
analysis  of  the  consequences  of  the  failure  to  provide  opportunities 
for  an  agreeable  and  wholesome  luncheon  service.  A young  woman 
who  has  been  cramped  over  a power  machine  all  the  morning,  with 
her  eyes  strained1  by  watching  the  needles  and  her  entire  strength 
focused  on  the  effort  to  finish  as  many  pieces  as  possible,  pushes 
aside  her  work  and  opens  the  package  of  lunch  which  was  hastily 
packed  before  leaving  home.  The  food  has  been  exposed  to  germ- 
laden air,  and  may  have  been  carelessly  handled  during  preparation. 
It  has  been  kept  in  the  warm  workroom  during  the  morning,  and 
when  opened  gives  forth  a stale  odor.  Eating  is  an  unpleasant  duty 
quickly  discharged,  — often  without  leaving  the  machine  or  work 
table.  The  cells  and  glands  which  secrete  the  digestive  fluids  have 
not  received  the  blood  supply  which  makes  possible  vigorous  work, 
and  so  cannot  surround  this  cold,  soggy  mass  promptly  with  the 
strong  fluids  which  might  kill  the  germs  and  convert  the  food  into 
substances  needed  for  renewing  bodily  energy.  The  colonies  of  germs  j 
thrive  in  the  moist  heat  of  the  stomach,  and  the  gases  and  poisons 
from  the  decaying  food  help  produce  the  irritable  disposition  and 
chronic  tired  feeling  which  make  a discontented  and  inefficient  em- 
ployee. 

The  minimum  provisions  for  the  noon  meal  which  might  well  be 
required  in  all  places  of  employment  are  facilities  for  washing  the  j 
hands,  a clean  place  in  which  to  eat  and  some  means  of  heating 
food  or  beverages.  Since  two-thirds  of  the  women  of  this  study 


1 Eye  strain  is  a common  cause  of  indigestion. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


165 


who  were  engaged  in  manufacturing  ate  their  noon  meals  at  power 
machines  or  on  their  work  tables,  it  is  evident  that  many  Boston  em- 
ployers are  not  giving  even  this  slight  attention  to  the  health  and 
comfort  of  their  employees.1  A separate  lunch  or  rest  room  is 
desirable  both  because  it  gives  a change  during  the  noon  period  and 
because  there  is  less  danger  of  the  food  being  soiled  by  the  injurious 
dusts  that  are  found  in  many  factories.2  When  this  cannot  be  pro- 
vided, portable  or  folding  tables  may  be  used,  or  work  tables  may 
be  cleared  and  supplied  with  clean  covering.  A roll  or  large  sheets 
of  wrapping  paper  could  be  provided,  or  paper  napkins  and  table- 
cloths, which  cost  little  and  add  to  the  attractiveness  of  the  lunch. 
Facilities  for  preparing  and  serving  hot  beverages  are  indispensable 
in  the  many  factories  where  over  80  per  cent,  of  the  employees  eat 
cold  food  brought  from  home. 

Employers  who  feel  that  they  cannot  afford  any  of  the  more 
generous  welfare  activities  which  are  now  being  so  widely  adopted 
; may  improve  on  these  minimum  provisions  by  encouraging  various 
! forms  of  co-operation  found  in  the  smaller  Boston  establishments. 

I A messenger  may  be  sent  to  neighboring  cafeterias  or  delicatessen 
| stores  to  bring  in  food  ordered  by  groups  of  workers,3  or  a woman 
j employee  of  domestic  tastes  may  be  given  time  in  which  to  prepare 
food  for  her  companions.  The  plan  of  employing  a motherly  house- 
wife to  come  in  for  a few  hours  in  the  middle  of  the  day  to  assist  in 
keeping  the  lunch  room  clean  and  attractive  and  in  the  preparation 
I of  a few  simple  dishes  works  well  and  requires  but  a small  ex- 
| penditure.4 

A lunch  club  might  be  organized  which  could  co-operate  writh  the 
employer  in  plans  for  purchasing  supplies  at  wholesale  rates,  thus 
making  possible  greater  variety  with  little  expense.  The  monoto- 
nous consumption  of  tea  could  be  broken  up  by  the  occasional  sub- 
stitution of  chocolate,  cocoa  or  canned  soup.  Oranges,  apples, 

! prunes,  raisins  and  dates  — foods  needed  to  counteract  maladies 
common  among  factory  women  — could  be  bought  in  unbroken 
packages  and  the  employees  given  the  benefit  of  the  reduced  rates. 

TheTactory,  as  well  as  the  school,  lunch  service  may  in  time  be 
recognized  as  an  important  public  duty.  In  Boston,  as  in  many 
other  cities,  the  latter  has  been  so  regarded,  and  has  been  conducted 
without  profits  by  organizations  interested  in  social  betterment 


1 Table  7,  p.  22. 


* Page  23. 


3 Page  37. 


1 Page  59. 


166 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


activities.  As  already  suggested,  the  need  is  greater  and  the  public 
welfare  is  as  much  involved  in  the  case  of  the  young  factory  worker 
as  in  that  of  the  student.  In  the  course  of  this  investigation  em- 
ployers of  the  smaller  factories  maintaining  no  cafeterias  were  asked 
whether  they  would  welcome  a plan  whereby  food  would  be  sent  in 
from  a central  kitchen  to  be  sold  at  cost,  as  is  done  in  the  secondary 
schools.  Many  employers  showed  a willingness  to  furnish  space, 
equipment  for  serving  and  heating  food,  and  other  incidentals  if 
by  doing  so  they  could  obtain  good  food  for  their  employees  at  cost 
prices.  The  history  of  school  feeding  shows  that,  after  its  value 
has  been  proved  and  the  methods  of  management  standardized,  there 
is  a tendency  to  transfer  it  to  public  control.  In  time  all  indus- 
trial communities  may  accept  the  obligation  to  maintain  a central 
kitchen  from  which  food  can  be  distributed  for  sale  at  cost  both  to 
school  children  and  factory  workers. 

That  a fully  equipped  employees’  lunch  room  is  gaining  recog- 
nition as  a necessary  addition  to  the  larger  factories  and  department 
stores  is  evident  from  the  results  of  the  investigation  in  Boston  and 
the  reports  received  from  other  sections  of  the  country.  The  per- 
son in  charge  should  combine  business  ability  and  a knowledge  of 
cookery  and  dietetics.  Particular  attention  should  be  given  to  the 
advantages  of  co-operation  with  a committee  of  representative 
employees  who  can  help  adapt  the  food  served  to  the  tastes  and 
purses  of  their  companions.1  There  is  a sound  physiological  basis 
for  reluctance  to  make  changes  in  food  habits,  as  the  body  is  ad- 
justed to  accustomed  diets,  and  digestion  is  promoted  by  the  greater 
satisfaction  which  they  give. 

Dietary  deficiencies  revealed  by  investigations  of  individual  and 
family  menus  might  be  remedied  to  some  extent  in  the  bills  of  fare 
in  employees’  lunch  rooms.  Constipation  ‘ is  a common  ailment 
among  many  classes  of  workers.  The  use  of  whole-grain  breads  and  of 
fresh  vegetables  and  fruits  would  assist  in  overcoming  this  tendency. 
Useful  foods  not  commonly  served  in  Boston  wage  earners’  homes 
are  winter  vegetables,  such  as  cabbage,  celery,  cauliflower,  carrots, 
onions  and  turnips;  dried  fruits,  such  as  raisins,  dates,  prunes  and 
apricots;  cheese,  both  separately  and  with  macaroni;  peanut  butter, 
rice  and  various  corn  products.  The  use  of  wholesome  but  unaccus- 
tomed foods  should  be  encouraged  by  definite  dietary  instruction. 

1 Page  59. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


167 


Short  talks  on  personal  hygiene  given  during  the  noon  hour  have 
brought  good  results  in  some  Boston  establishments,  and  should 
become  a more  common  practice.  If  a reading  room  is  maintained 
it  would  be  well  to  supply  a few  good  books  on  dietetics,  to  which 
reference  could  be  made  in  these  talks.  No  doubt  many  wage 
earners  would  gladly  avail  themselves  of  such  opportunities,  as 
employees  are  reflecting  the  personal  efficiency  ideals  of  their  em- 
ployers, and  often  are  eager  to  learn  how  to  get  the  best  possible 
results  from  the  running  of  their  bodily  machinery. 


The  Food  of  Women  living  away  from  their  Families. 

The  lone  woman  of  our  great  cities  presents  a new  phase  of  social 
evolution.  Until  quite  recently  she  was  found  most  frequently  in 
the  United  States,  but  the  reports  of  industrial  conditions  in  Great 
Britain  during  war  times  show  that,  under  stress  of  economic  neces- 
sity, women  are  being  separated  from  their  families  and  shifted  from 
place  to  place  in  order  to  supply  the  demands  for  their  services.1 
These  emergency  conditions  may  become  permanent,  since  the  death 
of  large  numbers  of  men  will  deprive  many  women  of  present  and 
future  family  relationships.  If  the  war  continues  the  unhappy 
experiences  of  Europe  may  be  repeated  in  the  United  States.  The 
independence  of  American  women  and  social  conditions  which  insure 
them  an  exceptional  degree  of  safety  may  result  in  an  increasing 
tendency  to  sever  family  ties  in  order  to  seek  the  opportunities  for 
employment  which  promise  the  best  wages  and  which  meet  personal 
preferences. 

Large  numbers  of  virtuous  women  from  whom  the  mothers  of 
future  generations  may  be  drawn  have  never  before  been  found 
living  independently  outside  of  family  groups.  The  change  means 
not  merely  the  forfeiting  of  the  protection  of  the  family  and  the 
loss  of  an  economical  manner  of  living,  but  also  withdrawal  from 
the  most  inexpensive  form  of  social  insurance.  In  the  past  the 
risks  of  sickness,  of  irregular  employment  and  of  old-age  helplessness 
usually  have  been  shared  by  members  of  the  family  group.  Radical 
social  readjustments  are  necessary  in  order  to  provide  adequate  sub- 
stitutes for  what  is  lost  when  wage-earning  women  are  deprived  of 
these  advantages.  An  exceptionally  high  proportion  of  women,  who 


1 Monthly  Review  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  May,  1917,  pp.  661-664. 


168 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


for  many  years  have  been  trying  to  find  ways  of  solving  these  prob- 
lems,1 makes  Boston  a good  place  in  which  to  attempt  a critical 
study  of  the  efforts  to  deal  with  conditions  which  mark  the  break-up 
of  an  old  and  the  beginning  of  a new  social  and  economic  order. 

That  no  generally  satisfactory  plan  of  living  for  unattached 
women  has  been  developed  seems  evident  from  an  examination  of 
the  schedules  collected  in  the  course  of  this  investigation.  The 
various  plans  reported  may  be  grouped  roughly  under  three  types:  — 

1.  The  lone-woman  type,  in  which  each  person  lives  alone  and 
obtains  her  food  at  a restaurant  or  boarding  house,  or  prepares  and 
serves  it  in  her  room  or  small  apartment. 

2.  Co-operative  housekeeping  initiated  and  managed  by  the  small 
group  who  live  together  on  a family  basis. 

3.  Communal  schemes  whereby  the  necessities  of  life  are  provided 
for  large  groups  of  women  who  live  in  organized  houses  which  have 
been  established  and  are  partly  or  entirely  controlled  by  persons 
who  do  not  belong  to  the  class  of  wage  earners  for  whom  the  accom- 
modations are  designed. 

The  Lone-woman  Plan  of  Living. 

Nearly  60  per  cent,  of  the  261  individual  schedules  showed  eating 
habits  which  a man  would  sum  up  in  the  phrase,  “My  home  is 
where  I hang  my  hat.”  It  is  difficult  to  classify  the  varying  com- 
binations of  light  housekeeping,  boarding  house  and  restaurant,2  ! 
and  the  grouping  would  be  still  more  intricate  if  the  shifting  between 
restaurants  were  indicated.  The  growing  patronage  of  restaurants 
was  the  most  striking  tendency  noticed  in  their  confused  and  intricate 
living  plans.  It  seems  probable  that  the  drift  from  the  old-fashioned 
boarding  house  to  the  restaurant  indicates  that  the  latter  gives  more 
satisfactory  service,  as  the  women  included  in  the  investigation  were 
familiar  with  the  city,  and  their  thrift  in  other  matters  suggests 
that  they  must  have  made  a careful  study  of  how  to  get  the  largest 
possible  returns  for  their  money.  The  detailed  reports  of  the  places 
where  noon  luncheons  were  purchased  show  that  nearly  70  per  cent, 
of  the  women  were  in  the  habit  of  eating  at  places  which  were 
organized  so  that  wholesale  buying  of  supplies  and  minimum  service 
charges  made  it  possible  to  give  patrons  good  food  at  a low  price.3 


i Table  1,  p.  14;  Table  26,  p.  66. 


2 Table  37,  p.  83. 


» Table  18,  p.  43;  pp.  44-45. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


169 


Of  the  700  women  interviewed  in  the  noon  luncheon  study  only 
24  went  home  for  the  midday  meal.1  Yet  many  of  the  women  must 
have  felt  the  need  of  substantial  food,  as  the  hurried  departure  in 
the  morning  often  must  have  prevented  the  eating  of  a satisfying 
breakfast.  Those  who  could  afford  to  buy  hot  food  might  easily 
acquire  the  restaurant  habit  as  a result  of  their  experiences  with  the 
noon  meal.  Even  the  women  in  the  small-wage  groups  would  find 
it  practicable  to  buy  a noon  meal  which  would  include  meat  and 
hot  vegetables,  and  to  prepare  in  their  rooms  the  lighter  foods  eaten 
in  the  morning  and  evening.  Since  inexpensive  boarding  houses  are 
rarely  found  within  walking  distance  of  the  places  where  the  women 
are  employed,  and  since  pleasanter  and  less  expensive  rooms  can  be 
rented  in  suburban  localities,  such  plans  would  be  adopted  by  an 
increasing  number  of  women. 

A careful  study  of  the  Gephart  and  Lusk  report  on  the  nutritional 
values  of  ready-to-serve  foods  would  be  helpful  to  these  women. 
Thirty-three  varieties  of  food  were  found  which  were  sold  at  prices 
permitting  the  purchase  of  a day’s  ration  supplying  2,500  calories 
for  50  cents.2  Thirty-two  additional  dishes  were  added  to  the  list 
when  the  living  allowance  was  increased  to  between  51  and  60  cents. 
At  these  prices  three-fourths  of  the  women  living  away  from  home 
could  have  obtained  adequate  restaurant  food  for  the  sums  which 
they  expended.  That  good  use  would  be  made  of  a knowledge  of  the 
food  values  of  restaurant  dishes  is  indicated  by  the  extreme  care 
with  which  these  women  expended  their  limited  incomes.  The 
“food  spree”  was  the  exception,  and  self-restrained  confinement  to 
15-cent  lunches  or  25-cent  dinners  the  rule. 

Inability  to  select  a cheap  and  t adequate  menu,  or  unwillingness 
to  confine  themselves  to  the  inexpensive  dishes,  prevented  the  general 
adoption  of  the  minimum-cost  (restaurant)  bill  of  fare.  Only  4 
women  who  reported  their  food  for  an  entire  week,  and  who  spent 
less  than  $4,  purchased  all  their  meals  at  restaurants  or  cafeterias. 
The  usual  plan  was  to  buy  one  or  two  meals  a day,  and  to  supple- 
ment them  with  food  prepared  in  the  room.  Forty  per  cent,  did 
some  cooking  in  their  rooms,  over  20  per  cent,  prepared  a large 
portion  of  their  food  there,  and  about  9 per  cent,  depended  entirely 
on  such  light  housekeeping.3  Two-thirds  of  the  women  for  whom 

1 Table  7,  p.  22. 

2 Gephart  and  Lusk:  Analysis  and  Costs  of  Ready-to-Serve  Foods,  pp.  22,  23. 

2 Table  37,  p.  83. 


170 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


schedules  were  collected  did  the  whole  or  a part  of  their  laundering 
in  their  rooms  or  apartments.1  The  opposition  of  the  landlady  to 
such  domestic  pursuits  is  well  known,  so  it  seems  probable  that  if 
permitted  to  do  so  a higher  proportion  of  the  women  would  indulge 
their  housekeeping  instincts. 

Cheapness  and  the  possibility  of  accurate  adjustment  to  personal 
needs  and  tastes  account  for  the  increasing  popularity  of  this  method 
of  procuring  food.  All  waste  can  be  eliminated,  as  the  woman  pro- 
vides only  such  viands  as  she  feels  disposed  to  eat,  and  the  remnants 
from  one  meal  can  be  saved  for  another.  The  proverbial  fondness 
for  home  cooking  can  be  gratified,  and  the  subtler  dietary  adjust- 
ments which  play  an  important  part  in  promoting  physical  well- 
being can  be  made.  The  economic  waste  due  to  buying  in  small 
quantities  is  a much  smaller  factor  in  determining  the  final  cost 
than  the  expenditures  for  services  of  preparation  and  the  rent,  light 
and  heat  of  places  where  restaurant  food  is  served. 

Three  objections  are  urged  to  obtaining  food  by  light  housekeeping 
in  bedrooms:  (1)  it  is  pointed  out  that  the  fatigue  of  the  day’s 

work  should  not  be  increased  by  the  labor  of  preparing  food;  (2) 
from  remote  antiquity  the  taking  of  food  has  been  regarded  as  a 
social  function,  and  many  women  find  eating  alone  very  depressing; 
(3)  uncouth  living  conditions  may  bring  a loss  of  dainty  habits  and 
self-respect.  These  objections  gain  greater  weight  from  the  fact 
that  such  living  arrangements  are  not  temporary,  but  often  are 
important  influences  throughout  the  adult  life  of  the  large  group  of 
women  by  whom  these  solitary  ways  of  living  are  being  adopted. 

Failure  to  recognize  this  element  of  permanence  in  their  living 
problems  is  one  of  the  reasons  for  the  lack  of  efforts  to  establish 
good  standards  for  these  women  who  can  no  longer  make  use  of  the 
traditional  methods  of  obtaining  food  and  shelter.  The  assump- 
tion that  their  present  manner  of  living  is  a makeshift,  and  that  they 
soon  will  be  supplied  with  husbands  and  homes,  is  not  justified  by 
the  facts  revealed  in  the  course  of  this  investigation,  since  the 
average  number  of  years  away  from  home  was  between  nine  and 
ten2  and  in  many  cases  the  efficiency  and  happiness  of  the  entire 
adult  life  are  dependent  on  the  discovery  of  sound  plans  of  living. 
The  improvement  of  the  social  and  economic  conditions  of  working 
women  is  greatly  impeded  by  this  failure  to  realize  that  for  the 


i Page  81. 


* Page  71. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


171 


class,  if  not  for  the  individual,  the  situation  is  permanent,  and 
worthy  of  the  best  efforts  to  understand  its  conditions  and  formulate 
its  standards.  A frank  facing  of  the  possible  dangers  of  a manner 
of  living  that  is  becoming  increasingly  common,  and  a consideration 
of  ways  for  its  improvement,  will  help  working  women  decide 
whether  light  housekeeping  is  the  best  possible  means  of  providing 
the  wThole  or  a part  of  their  food. 

Excessive  fatigue  is  a source  of  indigestion.  A careful  estimate  of 
physical  resources  should  precede  the  adoption  of  a plan  of  living 
which  makes  additional  demands  on  limited  strength.  Women  who 
feel  exhausted  at  the  end  of  the  day’s  labors  should  go  home  and 
lie  down  for  half  or  three-quarters  of  an  hour  before  eating  the 
evening  meal.  Those  engaged  in  sedentary  occupations  would  be 
benefited  by  a brisk  walk,  or  the  gentle  exercise  of  light  housekeep- 
ing. School  teachers  who  have  an  interval  of  rest  in  the  afternoon 
can  engage  in  domestic  labors  without  injury. 

Since  emotional  conditions  have  a decided  influence  on  the  secre- 
tion of  digestive  juices,  the  advisability  of  adopting  this  method  of 
providing  food  depends  also  on  whether  the  woman  has  a liking  for 
and  skill  in  the  domestic  arts.  Indifference  or  irritation  while  pre- 
paring the  food  is  apt  to  promote  discomfort  after  it  is  eaten.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  cooking  is  exercised  as  a fine  art,  the  focusing 
of  attention  on  wThat  is  expected  to  be  an  appetizing  meal  is  a means 
of  promoting  a copious  flow  of  digestive  fluids.  A domestic  science 
teacher  who  carries  heavy  responsibilities,  and  who  had  recently 
changed  from  a boarding  house  to  a small  apartment,  vowed  that 
she  thoroughly  enjoyed  cooking  her  evening  meal,  and  found  that  it 
agreed  with  her  better  than  did  the  boarding-house  fare. 

The  emotional  effect  of  solitary  eating  varies  with  the  individual. 
Teachers  or  saleswomen  who  have  labored  with  people  all  day  often 
prefer  a quiet  meal  with  no  conversational  obligations.  The  social 
intercourse  of  the  average  boarding  house  is  not  particularly  sooth- 
ing or  cheering,  and  certainly  the  publicity  and  noise  of  the  public 
restaurant  offer  no  attractions.  There  is  a general  unwillingness 
among  these  women  to  have  roommates,  so  it  is  evident  that  they 
prefer  the  quiet  and  relaxation  of  freedom  from  companionship.  It 
seems  probable  that  solitary  eating  would  not  prove  depressing  if 
the  food  were  properly  prepared  and  daintily  served. 

This  brings  us  to  the  third  and  chief  objection  to  the  light  house- 


172 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


keeping  observed  in  the  course  of  this  investigation.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  say  whether  the  uncouth  habits1  of  living  of  some  of  these 
women  should  be  charged  to  early  lack  of  training  or  to  inability  to 
obtain  adequate  light  housekeeping  facilities.  In  this  age  of  cheap 
domestic  supplies  a limited  income  is  not  sufficient  excuse  for  con- 
ditions frequently  observed  by  the  investigators.  The  hurried  gob- 
bling of  food  from  the  frying  pan  or  paper  bag  is  in  keeping  wdth 
the  customs  of  the  tenements,  where  families  rarely  sit  down  to- 
gether at  a nicely  served  meal.  We  need  a refocusing  of  education 
which  shall  result  in  a just  recognition  of  the  dignity  and  importance 
of  the  activities  of  daily  life  on  which  depend  human  happiness  and 
efficiency.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  the  vocational  education  for 
women  must  include  training  for  both  wage  earning  and  home- 
making. Since  so  high  a proportion  may  spend  their  lives  as  wage 
earners,  some  instruction  about  methods  of  adjusting  the  home- 
making activities  to  the  needs  of  single  women  would  not  be  out  of 
place. 

The  difficulty  of  finding  rooms  suitable  for  light  housekeeping  at 
a rental  which  a working  woman  can  pay  discourages  all  ambition 
to  make  an  attractive  little  home.  Only  the  more  successful  can 
afford  a kitchenette  apartment.  Resourceful  women  architects 
should  try  to  solve  the  problems  connected  with  building  a house 
of  one  or  two  room  apartments  whose  cost  would  be  such  that  the 
rents  could  be  moderate.  A ventilated  closet  kitchen  with  a small 
gas  stove  and  a sink  suitable  for  washing  dishes  and  clothes,  a 
comfortable  living  room,  a closet  for  clothing,  possibly  an  ingenious 
plan  for  folding  away  the  bed,  and  access  to  a bathroom  are  requi- 
sites for  w'ell-ordered  living. 

The  Octavia  Hill  plan  for  the  management  of  tenements  might 
well  be  applied  to  such  apartment  houses.  They  should  be  in  charge 
of  a social  worker  who  would  be  responsible  for  the  maintenance 
of  good  standards.  She  could  serve  as  a court  of  last  appeal  in  the 
self-governing  scheme  of  the  tenants,  could  organize  classes  for 
instruction  in  hygienic  living,  and  could  make  provision  for  various 
forms  of  co-operative  buying  which  would  reduce  living  expenses. 

The  high  cost  of  city  building  sites,  the  excessive  amount  of 
plumbing  in  such  a house,  as  well  as  the  heavy  expense  of  heating 
and  upkeep,  will  make  it  impossible  to  supply  such  accommodations 


i Pages  83,  84. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


173 


for  a large  portion  of  the  18,000  to  20,000  women  in  Boston  who  are 
living  away  from  their  families.  The  lower  wrage  women  can  often 
rent  rooms  wdth  many  housekeeping  privileges  in  suburban  homes. 
A stenographer  and  proofreader,  wdio  is  thirty-four  years  old  and 
earns  $20  a week,  says,  in  reporting  the  results  of  her  varied  ex- 
periences: “I  have  been  a participant  in  five  different  co-operative 
schemes  and  do  not  recommend  them.  The  place  for  a girl  who 
has  come  away  from  home  is  in  another  home.  There  are  many 
women  in  the  suburbs  who  are  glad  to  rent  rooms  to  just  such  a girl, 
and  for  but  $2  or  $3  a week  will  give  her  a ‘ homey  ’ room,  well  cared 
for  and  heated,  and  with  the  privileges  of  doing  some  washing,  iron- 
ing and  cooking,  using  the  sewing  machine,  piano,  etc.  Usually, 
these  women  have  been  working  girls  themselves  and  know  just  how 
to  treat  one.  They  are  glad  to  earn  a little  extra  money  for  them- 
selves. How  can  a lodger  be  much  trouble  when  she  is  aw'ay  all 
day  long  and  out  a good  deal  in  the  evenings?  An  ‘ad.’  in  the 
‘Transcript’  beginning  ‘Wanted  by  a business  woman’  finds  them. 
Many  a nice  little  woman  will  write  a timid  answer  to  such  an 
‘ad.’  who  would  not  dream  of  advertising  rooms  to  let,  and  she 
does  not  ‘say  anything  to  her  husband  about  it’  until  you  have 
told  her  you  would  like  to  come,  and  is  not  sure  ‘what  he  ivill  say.’” 
She  pays  $2  a week  for  a room  in  Brookline.  Her  breakfast  is  pre- 
pared in  her  room;  a cold  lunch  is  supplemented  by  tea  or  cocoa, 
made  on  a gas  plate  at  her  place  of  employment;  and  the  evening 
meal  is  purchased  at  a restaurant.  Her  menus  show  an  ample  and 
wTell-balanced  diet  at  a total  cost  for  the  week  reported  of  $3.82. 

Choice  of  Food. 

Notwithstanding  the  varied  plans  for  obtaining  their  meals,  the 
women  living  away  from  home  showed  remarkably  good  judgment 
in  the  choice  of  food.  Mrs.  Ellen  H.  Richards  began  her  pioneer 
work  for  the  promotion  of  public  instruction  in  dietetics  over  twenty- 
five  years  ago,  and  throughout  this  period  Boston  has  profited  by  a 
great  variety  of  educational  activities  in  this  field.  In  the  absence 
of  studies  of  dietaries  in  other  sections  of  the  country  it  is  impossible 
to  make  comparisons,  but  the  results  of  this  investigation  indicate 
that  these  educational  efforts  have  brought  some  good  returns.  The 
menus  show  a healthful  variety  in  the  diet  selected,  but  no  instance 


174 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


was  discovered  of  the  deliberate  and  intelligent  effort  to  procure  a 
properly  balanced  ration  at  minimum  cost. 

The  reports  of  food  eaten  by  women  earning  less  than  $6  per 
week  may  have  shown  this  knowledge  of  what  constituted  a good 
diet  rather  than  what  the  women  were  accustomed  to  buying,  since 
the  sum  spent  on  food  and  lodging  was  114  per  cent,  of  the  weekly 
income.  There  is  the  same  tendency  to  an  excessive  use  of  bread 
which  has  been  noticed  in  similar  English  studies,  as  it  constitutes 
33  per  cent,  of  the  total  range  of  foods  eaten,  but  the  more  nourish- 
ing milk  and  cocoa  were  used  about  once  a day  in  place  of  tea  and 
coffee.  The  dietaries  reported  by  these  poorly  paid  women  were  not 
defective:  in  one  week  they  ate  meat  7 to  8 times;  eggs  3 to  4 
times;  beans,  1 to  2 times;  vegetables,  9 to  10  times;  and  fruit, 
3 times.1  A larger  use  of  cereals  would  improve  the  diet  of  these 
women.  Since  nearly  all  of  them  were  doing  light  housekeeping  it 
would  have  been  possible  to  boil  rice,  oatmeal,  corn  meal  and  hominy 
or  samp.  Inexpensive  home-made  fireless  cookers  Would  make 
possible  the  thorough  cooking  required  for  such  cereals,  and  when 
eaten  with  milk  and  sugar  they  supply  much  nourishment  at  small 
cost. 

The  61  women  earning  $8  to  $10  per  week  may  be  regarded  as 
typical  of  the  workers  of  ordinary  or  mediocre  ability,  while  those 
scattered  through  the  higher  wage  ranges  probably  were  women  of 
superior  training  or  of  greater  natural  ability  and  initiative.  The  most 
striking  difference  in  the  dietaries  of  these  two  groups  is  the  exces- 
sively stimulating  character  of  the  food  chosen  by  the  less  success- 
ful women.  They  used  tea  and  coffee  16.3  times  per  week,  or  two 
to  three  times  every  day,2  and  also  chose  the  more  stimulating  pro- 
tein foods  with  equal  frequency.  The  higher  wage  women  used  more 
fruits,  vegetables  and  cereals,  less  bread  and  meat,  and  substituted 
soup,  milk  and  cocoa  for  a part  of  the  tea  and  coffee  used  by  the 
lower  wage  groups.  Thus  the  diet  of  the  more  successful  women 
contained  more  minerals  and  less  protein,  and  was  not  so  consti- 
pating as  the  bread,  tea  and  meat  menus  of  those  who  earned  less. 

The  excess  of  protein  may  have  tended  to  lower  the  working 
capacity  of  the  women.  While  some  of  them  were  engaged  in  the 

1 Tables  39-42. 

2 The  77  schedules  used  in  calculating  the  menu  and  Table  5 of  pages  18  and  19  show  an  exceptionally 
small  use  of  tea  and  coffee.  A number  of  these  earlier  schedules  were  furnished  by  Simmons  College 
graduates  who  had  learned  good  dietary  habits. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


175 


more  active  occupations,  all  were  past  the  age  when  there  was  a 
demand  for  the  surplus  of  protein  required  for  growth.  It  is  w^ell 
known  that  when  more  protein  food  is  eaten  than  can  be  utilized 
there  are  uric  acid  by-products  which  must  be  eliminated,  and  which, 
when  in  excess,  may  cause  a sense  of  fatigue.  Constipation  also 
produces  depressing  poisons  which  have  far-reaching  evil  effects. 
The  large  use  of  tea  and  coffee  may  have  promoted  undue  nervous 
irritability  in  many  of  the  women. 

Food  was  the  most  important  and  at  the  same  time  the  most 
elastic  item  in  the  budgets  of  these  self-supporting  women.  Since 
the  majority  of  them  lived  in  irregular  ways,  preparing  some  meals 
in  their  rooms  and  buying  the  others  at  cafeterias,  restaurants  or 
boarding  houses,  it  was  possible  to  adjust  their  bills  of  fare  to 
varying  conditions  of  the  purse.  Room  rent  must  be  a fairly  stable 
factor,  as  an  unprotected  woman  must  provide  herself  with  suitable 
shelter;  but  clothing  and  food,  the  two  chief  remaining  items,  can  be 
varied  to  meet  fluctuations  in  income  or  in  accordance  with  prefer- 
ences of  the  individual.  A woman  may  be  tempted  to  save  on  her 
food  in  order  to  purchase  clothing  which  she  desires,  or  may  choose 
this  means  of  reducing  expenses.  Studies  of  industries  employing 
women  indicate  that  practically  all  of  them  have  periods  of  lessened 
pay  or  unemployment.  The  combination  of  anxiety  about  loss  of 
work  and  a reduced  diet  must  occur  often,  and  must  prove  a great 
strain  for  many  of  these  women.  Provident  loan  societies  should 
make  special  efforts  to  extend  their  benefits  to  women  living  away 
from  home.  The  ability  to  procure  a small  loan  at  a reasonable 
rate  wTould  prevent  the  risks  to  health  due  to  anxiety  and  inadequate 
food  during  times  of  industrial  depression. 

The  majority  of  the  women  living  away  from  home  were  spending 
more  on  their  food  than  their  incomes  justified.  Certainly  it  will  be 
impossible  for  them  to  continue  during  the  present  national  crisis 
such  dietaries  as  they  reported.  The  chief  item  on  which  a saving 
could  be  made  is  meat.  Adult  women  whose  occupations  do  not 
require  severe  physical  exertion  certainly  can  be  well  nourished  if 
they  have  meat  or  fish  once  a day.  When  eggs,  beans  and  milk  are 
used  it  would  be  possible  to  dispense  entirely  with  a meat  dish. 
Experiments  conducted  during  the  months  of  this  investigation 
showed  that  adult  men  could  be  fed  at  a cost  of  25  to  30  cents  a day, 
or  for  $1.75  to  $2.10  a week.  This  sum  covered  only  the  cost  of  raw 


176 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


materials,  while  the  amount  paid  by  the  women  usually  was  in- 
creased by  the  cost  of  preparing  the  food  and  the  charges  of  res- 
taurant or  cafeteria  service  for  at  least  one  meal  a day.  Even  after 
making  such  allowance  it  will  be  found  that  a satisfactory  diet 
could  have  been  procured  for  less  than  was  paid.  The  schools  re- 
tain a hold  on  Boston  young  people  at  least  until  they  are  sixteen 
years  old.  Instruction  could  be  given  which  would  assist  these 
young  women  to  select  an  adequate  and  well-balanced  ration  at 
minimum  cost.  This  would  make  possible  some  saving  from  their 
meager  earnings,  and  enable  them  to  decrease  their  living  expenses 
during  periods  of  financial  depression  without  injury  to  their  health. 
Tables  of  dietary  values,  and  problems  requiring  the  selection  of 
menus  of  varying  prices,  might  well  take  a conspicuous  place  in  the 
arithmetic  exercises  of  continuous  school  classes  of  both  boys  and 
girls. 

The  expenditure  for  food  by  women  living  away  from  home  is 
much  larger  than  the  per  capita  expenditures  of  the  family  budgets 
of  wage  earners.  The  group  of  61  women  earning  $8  to  $10  per  week 
spent  for  food  an  average  of  $3.36 1 per  week,  or  $174.72  per  annum. 
Atwater  estimates  that  a woman  at  moderately  active  work  requires 
about  80  per  cent,  of  what  is  used  by  a man,  and  3 children  may 
use  as  much  as  2 women;  then  a family  of  5,  with  the  rate  of  ex- 
penditure of  these  single  women  earning  $8  to  $10,  would  require 
for  food  alone  $787.56  per  annum. 

The  standard  minimum  dietary,  which  has  been  tested  through 
eight  years  of  expert  application  in  the  families  assisted  by  the  New 
York  Association  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Poor,  supplies 
3,000  calories  at  a cost  of  34  cents  (October,  1916)  per  unit  per  day, 
or  27  cents  for  the  amount  usually  allowed  an  adult  woman.  This 
ration  contains  less  meat,  eggs,  butter  and  fresh  fruit,  but  more 
vegetables  and  milk,  than  were  used  by  the  single  women  of  the 
Boston  investigation.2  Co-operative  groups  of  wage-earning  women 
could  be  taught  to  select  and  prepare  minimum  cost  dietaries  by 
means  similar  to  those  employed  with  these  families. 


1 Table  31,  p.  75. 

2 Gibbs,  Winifred  Stuart:  The  Minimum  Cost  of  Living,  p.  18. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


177 


Co-operative  Housekeeping. 

Housekeeping  in  co-operative  groups  which  would  reproduce  the 
conditions  of  family  life  seems  a natural  and  desirable  manner  of 
living  for  working  women  separated  from  their  families.  It  would 
be  inexpensive,  would  supply  companionship,  would  require  no  more 
or  even  less  work  than  the  light  housekeeping  of  a large  proportion 
of  the  lone  women,  and  would  preserve  the  capacity  for  personal 
adjustment  necessary  for  normal  family  life.  Why  is  it  that  so  few 
working  women  adopt  this  manner  of  living?  Only  31  of  the  261 
women  living  away  from  home  were  members  of  small  co-operative 
households,  and  most  of  these  groups  were  fragmentary  families 
rather  than  voluntary  co-operators.1  The  latter  were  found  in  small 
numbers  at  the  two  extremes  of  the  wage  groups,  — the  women  with 
good  incomes  sometimes  sought  the  better  accommodations  or  home 
atmosphere  of  a family,  and  those  of  the  lowest  wages  were  forced 
to  resort  to  light  housekeeping  in  rooms  shared  by  other  women  of 
equally  limited  incomes.  A typical  example  of  the  experiences  of 
the  high-wage,  co-operative  housekeeper  is  a young  woman  holding 
a civil  service  position  paying  $25  a week.  She  rented  a small 
apartment  for  $5.50  per  week,  and  paid  an  additional  $2  for  the 
woman  who  cleaned  the  apartment  and  washed.  She  reports: 
“When  there  are  three  of  us  in  the  apartment  we  each  put  $6  into 
the  box  on  Monday  morning.  This  pays  our  rent,  our  gas  bill,  our 
telephone  ($3  a month)  and  our  cleaning.  It  allows  us  to  have  all 
the  company  we  want.  When  there  are  two  of  us  we  each  put  $8 
in  the  box. 

“I  think  the  co-operative  method  of  housekeeping  is  the  best  and 
most  economical  way  for  girls  to  live,  but  the  outlay  for  furniture 
prohibits  many  from  living  this  way,  and  a physically  tiring  job 
would  make  it  unwise  for  a girl  to  attempt  it.  For  stenographers 
and  office  workers  this  is  the  solution.  For  salesgirls  some  other 
way  is  better,  I think. 

“I  have  very  rarely  been  alone  at  the  apartment  except  for  two 
months  in  the  summer.  Part  of  that  time  I lived  alone  and  part 
of  it  I closed  the  apartment  and  lived  with  a friend  of  mine  in 
Jamaica  Plain.  When  I am  there  alone  it  costs  about  $11  a week, 
if  I eat  at  home,  which  I rarely  do  when  alone.” 


i Page  87. 


178  FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 

The  minimum  expenditure  was  less  than  the  sums  covering  the 
average  cost  of  food  and  lodging  of  women  earning  $14  or  over,1 
but  the  maximum  expense  could  not  have  been  met  by  a large 
majority  of  the  women  living  away  from  home.  Other  co-oper- 
ative housekeepers  told  of  similar  uncertainty.  In  one  such  enter- 
prise joint  signatures  to  the  lease  helped  to  enforce  the  complete 
responsibility  of  the  more  unstable  members  of  the  group.  The  un- 
certainty of  the  tenure  of  office  of  many  women  would  make  them 
hesitate  before  investing  their  meager  savings  in  furnishings,  and 
assuming  the  obligations  of  an  annual  lease.  A knowledge  of  this 
uncertainty  deters  the  women  of  more  stable  economic  status  from 
forming  alliances  which  may  leave  them  a double  share  of  the  ex- 
penses, or  may  even  require  that  they  assist  the  unfortunate  mem- 
bers of  their  adopted  family. 

The  difficulty  of  finding  a group  who  are  equally  gifted  in  the 
domestic  arts  and  disposed  to  share  alike  in  the  household  labors 
is  another  obstacle  to  co-operative  housekeeping.  A strictly  equit- 
able division  of  responsibility  is  rarely  found  in  natural  families. 
Usually  one  abler,  stronger  or  more  unselfish  member  is  elected  by 
common  consent  to  the  honorable  role  of  family  burden  bearer. 
There  is  greater  reluctance  to  “bear  the  infirmities  of  the  weak” 
when  they  have  no  claims  of  kinship,  and  the  fairly  well-founded 
fear  that  some  members  of  the  group  will  be  shirkers  is  enough  to 
prevent  many  from  assuming  the  obligations  of  a joint  establish- 
ment. 

Personal  peculiarities  or  distaste  for  the  forming  of  new  social  ties 
were  found  to  be  the  chief  obstacles  to  co-operative  housekeeping.2 
Some  of  the  women  interviewed  were  aware  of  their  growing  irri- 
tability and  selfishness.  A person  of  apparent  congeniality  may,  on 
more  intimate  acquaintance,  reveal  habits  which  are  extremely  annoy- 
ing, as  in  the  case  of  a young  woman  of  good  education  and  refined 
manner  who  had  contracted  the  habit  of  continuous  whistling. 
Women  away  from  home  must  be  on  their  guard  against  undesirable 
associates,  and  caution  often  develops  into  chronic  suspicion.  Pride 
and  limited  incomes  prevent  the  use  of  opportunities  for  forming 
social  ties  which  might  grow  into  permanent  friendships.  The  in- 
vestigators who  interviewed  the  women  living  alone  were  strongly 
impressed  with  the  dangers  to  personal  character  which  may  result 


i Table  34,  p.  78. 


2 Page  87. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


179 


from  the  loss  of  family  relations  and  failure  to  cultivate  other  social 
ties. 

Newer  types  of  educational  work  aro  likely  to  promote  future 
attempts  at  co-operative  housekeeping.  Model  cottages  or  apartments 
in  which  groups  of  girls  keep  house  are  being  recognized  as  essential 
parts  of  the  equipment  for  domestic  science  instruction.  Progressive 
schools  where  newer  ideas  of  social  training  have  found  a foothold 
are  encouraging  various  forms  of  group  activities  which  develop  a 
capacity  for  co-operation.  A systematic  teaching  of  the  minor 
courtesies  which  are  sadly  neglected  in  many  American  homes  would 
be  good  preparation  for  co-operative  living  and  for  many  other  future 
social  relations. 

Churches  might  be  able  to  assist  groups  of  working  women  to 
establish  co-operative  homes.  A committee  of  older  women,  one  of 
whom  could  serve  as  a house  mother  or  counselor,  could  be  responsi- 
ble for  the  general  oversight  of  the  enterprise.  The  counselor  would 
require  rare  tact  to  enable  her  to  be  helpful  without  encroaching  on 
the  sense  of  responsibility  which  should  belong  to  the  co-operative 
group.  The  religious  fellowship  of  the  household  might  assist  in 
promoting  the  unselfishness  and  forbearance  necessary  for  community 
living.  If  the  church  assumed  the  expense  of  furnishing  and  risk  due 
to  the  shifting  of  women  when  their  work  changes,  it  would  be  pos- 
sible for  women  of  limited  incomes  to  avail  themselves  of  the  econ- 
omies of  such  establishments.  New  members  should  be  received  at 
first  as  probationers,  so  that  their  congeniality  could  be  tested  before 
their  acceptance  as  permanent  additions  to  the  co-operative  family. 
Care  should  be  exercised  to  prevent  such  groups  assuming  boarding- 
house proportions.  A large  church  might  maintain  several  estab- 
lishments which  could  be  varied  in  type  to  meet  the  economic  needs 
of  women  of  different  standards  of  living. 

The  Food  of  Women  living  in  Organized  Houses. 

The  organized  houses  intended  for  working  women  showed  the 
same  lack  of  definite  standards  that  was  found  in  the  living  arrange- 
ments of  the  lone  women.1  Charges  for  room  and  board  ranged 
from  $3  to  $10  per  week  and  there  was  no  general  agreement  about 
the  ages  or  wages  of  persons  who  were  received  as  guests.  Some 


1 Table  48,  pp.  110-112. 


180 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


houses  were  heavily  subsidized  and  claimed  the  exemption  from  tax- 
ation of  charitable  institutions,  and  some  were  self-supporting,  yet 
there  was  no  great  difference  between  the  two  types  of  houses  in  the 
quantity  or  character  of  the  food  served.  Variations  in  the  cost  of 
service  were  striking,  since  the  number  of  guests  per  employee 
ranged  from  3 to  12.  The  extremes  are  partially  explained  by  assist- 
ance in  the  housework  given  by  guests,  and  by  the  fact  that  em- 
ployees in  some  cases  had  other  duties  than  the  care  of  boarders. 
The  numbers  accommodated  ranged  from  14  to  1,000,  yet  the  large 
and  small  houses  showed  no  consistent  variations  in  the  per  capita 
cost  of  raw  materials.  None  of  the  houses  had  installed  a system 
of  accounting  which  would  promote  a careful  study  of  food  costs. 

The  saving  made  possible  by  living  in  the  organized  houses  was 
striking,  as  they  offered  food  and  lodging  for  less  than  could  be 
obtained  by  any  other  plan.  The  average  weekly  expenditure  for 
board  and  lodging  of  women  living  alone  was  $5.89,  and  the  lowest 
wage  groups  spent  over  $4/  while  two  houses  charged  as  low  as  $3, 
two  $3  to  $4,  and  ten  had  many  guests  who  were  paying  $4.50  to  $5. 
Women  who  cooked  all  their  meals  in  their  bedrooms  or  workrooms 
paid  $2.65  for  food  alone.2  The  addition  of  rent  even  for  a part  of 
a room  would  bring  the  weekly  cost  of  living  above  that  of  the  less 
expensive  houses.  Low-wage  women  whose  physical  endurance  is 
limited,  or  whose  occupations  make  heavy  demands  on  their  strength, 
need  the  inexpensive  board  and  freedom  from  household  tasks  which 
is  made  possible  by  the  organized  houses.  Such  assistance  is  of 
great  value  to  young  women  struggling  to  get  a foothold  in  industry 
and  to  women  suffering  from  irregularity  of  employment.  All  of 
these  women  are  in  danger  of  injury  to  their  health  or  loss  of  work- 
ing power  because  of  insufficient  food. 

Concerted  efforts  are  necessary  in  order  to  make  sure  that  the 
women  most  in  need  of  such  assistance  shall  receive  the  benefits  of 
the  organized  houses.  Only  1,660  of  the  20,000  Boston  working 
women  living  away  from  home  can  be  accommodated  in  such  houses. 
Since  their  initial  cost  is  great,  and  since  they  usually  require  con- 
tinuous financial  assistance,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  will  be  es- 
tablished in  numbers  sufficient  to  care  for  a large  proportion  of  the 
homeless  women.  Long-continued  residence  in  a subsidized  house 
is  socially  and  economically  undesirable  for  a woman  who  has  at- 


» Table  34,  p.  78. 


2 Table  37,  p.  83. 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS. 


181 


tained  an  earning  capacity  making  possible  self-support.  The  period 
of  residence  might  be  utilized  to  prepare  the  women  to  assume  re- 
sponsibility in  self-supporting,  co-operative  schemes.  The  success- 
ful Eleanor  Clubs  of  Chicago  furnish  a good  model  for  women  who 
have  not  time  and  inclination  for  housekeeping  tasks.  Smaller 
groups  of  women  who  have  formed  ties  of  friendship  could  be  given 
the  training  which  would  prepare  them  for  the  activities  of  family- 
size,  housekeeping  units.  Those  who  do  not  wish  companionship 
could  receive  instruction  and  guidance  in  the  choice  of  wholesome 
and  economical  plans  of  living  suitable  for  lone  women. 

A central  municipal  or  even  national  organization  could  do  much 
to  promote  the  development  of  a comprehensive  policy.  Such  a 
bureau  for  the  assistance  of  wage-earning  women  is  being  organized 
in  Cleveland.  Women  seeking  boarding  places  will  be  guided  to  the 
houses  best  suited  to  their  needs,  and  information  about  available 
resources  for  education  or  recreation  will  be  given.  Its  functions 
might  be  extended  to  include  other  activities  which  would  result  in 
better  standards  of  institutional  management  for  the  organized 
boarding  houses.  The  following  are  some  of  the  problems  which 
might  be  solved  by  some  such  pooling  of  experiences:  — 

The  size  of  the  group  which  can  be  cared  for  with  the  greatest 
economy  and  comfort. 

The  service  required  with  different  forms  of  organization  in  the 
dining  room  and  kitchen. 

Methods  by  which  the  important  assistance  rendered  transients 
may  be  combined  economically  with  the  care  of  the  permanent 
guests. 

Classification  of  guests  so  that  women  with  low  wages  may  profit 
by  the  smaller  charges  of  the  most  heavily  subsidized  houses. 

The  complete  utilization  of  the  accommodations  of  the  houses  by 
means  of  the  prompt  notification  of  vacancies  and  the  sending  of 
new  guests  from  the  central  bureau. 

Uniform  systems  of  accounting,  making  possible  the  comparison 
of  the  costs  of  administering  such  houses  and  the  determination  of 
places  where  saving  would  be  possible. 

The  dietaries  of  many  of  the  Boston  houses  for  working  women 
are  more  costly  than  could  be  afforded  in  a wage  earner’s  home.  It 
seems  suitable  that  such  houses  give  a practical  demonstration  of  a 
minimum-cost,  yet  adequate,  dietary.  The  boarders  should  be  taken 


182 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


into  confidence  about  the  details  of  household  management  and  fi- 
nancing, so  that  they  will  be  under  no  false  impressions  about  what 
it  costs  to  live.  It  does  not  seem  desirable  that  young  working 
women  lose  touch  entirely  with  the  problems  of  family  life.  This 
must  happen  when  they  spend  many  years  in  the  organized  boarding 
houses. 

Influence  of  Diet  on  the  Health  and  Efficiency  of  the 

Working  Women. 

The  present  investigation  produced  no  direct  evidence  indicating 
that  the  health  or  efficiency  of  Boston  working  women  is  suffering 
seriously  because  of  insufficient  or  unwisely  selected  food.  Twenty 
thousand  records  were  examined  in  order  to  find  the  small  group 
of  dispensary  patients  studied.  While  the  diet  of  some  of  them  was 
deficient  in  fats,  lacking  in  minerals,  and  of  a somewhat  constipating 
character,  there  were  other  unsanitary  conditions  or  habits  which 
may  have  contributed  more  to  their  ill  health  than  the  defective 
dietaries.  A comparison  of  the  weights  at  given  heights  of  wage- 
earning women  registered  in  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Asso- 
ciation gymnasium  classes  during  the  past  five  years  with  those 
of  the  entering  class  at  Wellesley  College  suggests  that  Boston  work- 
ing women  may  be  exceptionally  well  nourished.  The  largest  num- 
bers in  both  groups  were  between  5 feet  1 inch  and  5 feet  5 inches 
in  height,  as  over  70  per  cent,  of  the  women  were  included  between 
these  limits.  The  wage  earners  found  in  these  groups  weighed 
more  than  the  collegians,  but  no  age  records  were  available,  and  the 
differences  may  be  due  to  the  inclusion  of  a larger  number  of  older 
women  in  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association  classes.  Over  i 
15  per  cent.  (15.6)  of  the  Wellesley  students  and  only  6 per  cent.  ] 
(6.3)  of  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Assocation  women  were 
much  above  the  average  in  height  and  weight,  hence  the  averages  j 
for  the  entire  group  give  the  college  women  a slight  advantage. 

But  the  adequacy  of  the  diet  should  be  judged  by  the  energy 
furnished  and  the  freedom  from  morbidity  as  well  as  by  weight  and 
height,  and  the  crude  methods  of  the  present  study  permit  no  esti- 
mates of  these  subtler  indications  of  physical  well-being.  Morbidity 
statistics  of  American  wage-earning  women  are  not  available;  the 
recent  “Sickness  Survey  of  Boston,”  based  on  the  records  of  the 


SUMMARIES  AND  SUGGESTIONS 


183 


Metropolitan  Life  Insurance  Company,  does  not  separate  the  wage- 
earning women  from  the  married  homemakers.  Forms  of  sickness 
showing  a rate  for  females  of  over  50  per  100,000,  named  in  the 
order  of  their  importance,  were  rheumatism,  “nervousness,”  cerebral 
hemorrhage,  organic  diseases  of  the  heart,  indigestion  and  other 
stomach  troubles,  and  tuberculosis  of  the  lungs.  It  is  generally 


Table  76.  — Distribution  by  Height  and  Weight  of  Wage-earning  Women 
registered  in  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association  Gymnasium  Classes 
and  of  Wellesley  College  Students.1 


Young  Women’s  Christian  Association. 

Wellesley  College. 

Height  in  Feet 

Weight  in 

Number  of 

Height  in  Feet 

Weight  in 

Number  of 

and  Inches. 

Pounds. 

Women. 

and  Inches. 

Pounds. 

Women. 

5'  2"2 

119.42 

844 3 

CO 

lb 

120.92 

456 3 

4'  8" 

94.4 

3 

4'  8" 

- 

- 

4/  9// 

100.3 

16 

4'  9" 

102.7 

4 

4'  10" 

106.9 

26 

4'  10" 

94.8 

5 

4'  11" 

112.0 

54 

4'  11" 

105.6 

12 

5' 

111.2 

83 

5' 

109.5 

30 

5'  1" 

114.5 

129 

5'  1" 

113.7 

60 

5'  2" 

118.1 

157 

5'  2" 

115.2 

77 

5'  3" 

122.3 

135 

5'  3" 

118.8 

81 

5'  4" 

125.8 

116 

5'  4" 

121.4 

71 

5'  5" 

130.8 

72 

5'  5" 

130.2 

45 

5'  6" 

126.9 

31 

5'  6" 

139.4 

40 

5'  7" 

134.4 

15 

5'  7" 

134.8 

18 

OO 

149.1 

3 

5'  8" 

139.9 

9 

5'  9" 

136.9 

3 

5'  9" 

165.2 

2 

5'  10" 

- 

- 

5'  10" 

. 150.0 

2 

5'  11" 

149.0 

1 

5'  11" 

- 

- 

1 The  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association  records  were  for  different  women  registered  during  a 
period  of  five  years,  while  the  Wellesley  College  data  were  those  of  the  entering  class  of  September,  1915. 
The  table  was  prepared  by  Miss  Louise  Moore. 

2 Arithmetical  averages  of  the  groups.  3 Totals. 

recognized  that  the  diet  of  the  patients  plays  an  important  part  in 
causing  or  curing  several  of  these  maladies;  but  since  the  human 
body  responds  to  morbid  states  in  a unified  way,  it  is  impossible 
to  recognize  the  extent  to  which  defective  nutrition  prepares  the 
way  for  many  other  forms  of  disease,  or  lessens  the  power  to  re- 
pair the  injuries  which  they  inflict. 


184 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


The  influence  which  diet  may  have  on  health  and  working  power 
is  so  complex  and  far-reaching  that  no  reliable  conclusions  can  be 
based  on  morbidity  or  mortality  statistics,  or  on  the  limited  data 
now  available.  More  intensive  investigations  are  needed  before 
answers  can  be  suggested  to  the  following  questions  which  have 
arisen  in  the  course  of  this  investigation:  — 

Does  the  strain  of  early  wage  earning  and  insufficient  nutrition 
prevent  or  retard  the  physical  development  of  women? 

What  is  the  effect  of  physical  strain  and  unsuitable  or  inadequate 
food  on  the  development  of  the  reproductive  system? 

Is  the  excessive  infant  mortality  found  in  urban  wage  earners’ 
families  due  in  a measure  to  the  failure  of  full  physical  development, 
or  to  the  exhaustion  of  reserves  of  vitality  of  the  mothers  who 
worked  during  their  adolescent  years? 

Reasoning  from  analogies  among  plants  and  animals  can  we  con- 
clude that  the  impulse  to  continue  the  race  is  prematurely  aroused 
or  given  greater  strength  when  the  woman  is  insufficiently  nourished? 
Is  it  possible  that  there  is  a connection  between  the  physical  strain 
to  which  young  wage-earning  women  are  subject  and  the  break- 
down in  morals  which  frequently  occurs  when  seventeen  to  eighteen 
years  old? 

Is  the  lack  of  initiative  commonly  charged  to  Working  women  due  in 
a measure  to  their  low  vitality  and  indirectly  to  defective  nutrition? 

What  are  the  causes  of  the  unnecessarily  great  differences  in  the 
physical  development  of  men  and  Women?  Variations  in  the 
amounts  of  food  consumed,  the  less  active  habits  of  women,  cloth- 
ing which  checks  the  activities  of  the  organs  maintaining  the  vital 
forces,  or  inherited  incapacity? 

A large  field  for  educational  activities  as  well  as  for  research  has 
been  opened  up  by  the  present  investigation,  as  it  has  revealed  the 
inability  to  deal  intelligently  with  the  fundamental  problems  of  life, 
which  may  prove  to  be  the  chief  source  of  national  weakness  in  the 
great  struggle  upon  which  we  are  entering.  Participation  in  the 
war  of  the  nations  has  forced  upon  us  a great  campaign  for  educa- 
tion in  dietetics.  The  efficient  “ stoking”  of  the  human  engine  will 
occupy  a more  important  place  in  the  courses  of  study  of  the  future. 
Women  must  be  given  the  training  which  will  enable  them  to  deal 
intelligently  and  economically  with  the  task  of  providing  food  for  a 
family  or  for  a lone-woman  wage  earner. 


APPENDICES. 


Appendix  A 


FORMS  OF  INQUIRY  USED  IN  THIS  INVESTIGATION. 

Form  No.  1. 

The  Food  of  Working  Women  in  Boston. 

1.  Where  was  your  father  born? 

2.  Where  was  your  mother  born? 

3.  Where  do  your  mother  and  father  live? 

4.  Where  were  you  born? 

5.  When  were  you  born?  Year  Month  Day 

6.  In  what  town  or  city  do  you  live? 

7.  On  what  street?  Near  what  cross  street? 

8.  How  long  have  you  lived  away  from  your  family? 

9.  What  is  the  business  of  the  firm  for  which  you  now  work? 

10.  What  work  do  you  do  for  this  firm? 

11.  If  out  of  work  at  present,  what  was  the  business  of  the  firm  for  which  you  last  worked,  and  what 

work  did  you  do  for  them? 

12.  How  much  did  you  earn  last  week,  or  the  last  week  that  you  worked? 

13.  Were  you  paid  by  the  week  or  by  the  piece? 

14.  What  rent  per  week  do  you  pay  for  your  room? 

15.  Have  you  roommates?  How  many? 

16.  How  do  you  get  your  clothes  washed  and  ironed? 

17.  How  much  does  your  washing  and  ironing  cost  you  per  week? 


188 


POOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Food  Eaten  in  One  Week  and  what  it  Costs. 


Mon- 

day. 

Tues- 

day. 

Wednes- 

day. 

Thurs- 

day. 

Friday. 

Satur- 

day. 

Sunday. 

18.  What  did  you  eat  for  break- 
fast? 

19.  What  did  you  eat  for 
lunch? 

20.  What  did  you  eat  for  sup- 
per? 

21.  Which  of  these  meals  did 
you  eat  outside  your 
room? 

22.  Where  did  you  get  these 
meals? 

23.  How  much  did  you  pay  for 
each? 

24.  What  did  you  buy  to  eat  in 
your  room,  and  what  did 
each  thing  cost? 

25.  What  did  you  pay  for  oil,  gas  or  other  fuel  used  in  cooking  during  the  week? 

26.  What  was  the  total  amount  which  you  spent  for  food  during  this  week? 

27.  On  what  date  was  this  record  completed? 

28.  Remarks:  Please  write  on  the  blank  back  of  this  page  any  suggestions  about  ways  in  which  girls 

living  as  you  do  might  be  assisted.  Perhaps  you  can  tell  of  other  plans  by  which  such  girls  can  live 
in  an  economical  and  yet  healthful  way.  If  you  co-operate  with  others  to  reduce  cost,  tell  how  you 
do  it  and  how  much  it  saves  you. 

Note.  — When  this  schedule  is  filled  in,  please  return  it  to  your  club  leader  or  other  person  from  whom 
you  received  it,  or  mail  it  to  the  following  address:  Research  Department,  264  Boylston  Street,  Boston, 
Massachusetts. 


APPENDIX  A 


189 


Form  No.  2. 

Noon  Lunch  in  Factories  and  Stores. 


1.  Firm  name  2.  Address 

3. 

Business 

4.  Worker’s  birthplace  5.  Birthplace  of  (a)  Father  (6)  Mother 

6.  Living  conditions  7.  (a)  Distance  of  home  from  work  (6)  Minutes:  (1)  Ride 

(2)  Walk 

8.  Occupation  9.  Time:  (a)  Sitting  (6)  Standing  (c)  Walking 

10.  Earnings  per  week:  (a)  Time  ( b ) Piece  11.  Noon  period:  from  to 

12.  Lunch  brought:  (o)  No.  of  days 

13.  Heating  appliances:  (o)  Available 

14.  Use  of  spare  time 

15.  Packing  of  lunch:  (o)  By  whom 

16.  Reasons  for  bringing 

17.  Lunch  menus  of  to-day  and  yesterday 

(6)  Where  eaten 
(6)  Used  for 

(6)  How 

18.  Lunch  bought:  (o)  No.  of  days 

19.  Reasons  for  buying 

20.  Lunch  menus  of  to-day  and  yesterday,  cost  of  each 

(6)  Where 

Investigator. 


190 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON 


Form  No.  3. 

Employees’  Lunch  Rooms. 


1.  Is  there  a lunch  room  for  women  employees?  Do  men  eat  there  also?  Is 

there  a separate  one  for  men?  A separate  one  for  office  women?  Is  a 

rest  or  recreation  room  combined  with  the  lunch  room?  Hours  during  which  women 

employees  eat  iunch?  Is  there  a matron  in  charge  of  lunch  room?  What 

are  her  total  hours  on  duty? 

2.  In  the  women  employees’  lunch  room  are  lunches  eaten  at  tables  or  at  counters?  Do 


the  women  wait  on  themselves?  May  employees  use  heating  facilities  of  lunch 

room  to  cook  for  themselves?  Are  there  heating  facilities  in  another  room  which 

they  may  use?  Check  kind  of  facility  supplied:  Gas  Electricity 

Coal  range  How  many  burners  or  places?  Is  there  an  oven? 

Are  cooking  dishes  furnished  by  the  firm  or  the  employee? 

3.  How  many  lunch  tables  are  there?  Total  seating  capacity  at  tables? 

What  are  the  sizes  of  the  tables  and  how  many  of  each  size? 

When  in  use  are  they  bare  or  covered?  With  pap6r?  With  oilcloth? 

With  linen?  Is  linen  white?  Unbleached?  Colored? 

How  often  laundered? 

4.  Are  dishes  furnished  by  the  firm?  Are  they  china?  Enamel  ware?  Are 

knives,  forks  and  spoons  of  silver  plate?  Are  glasses  furnished  for  beverages? 

Is  there  a coffee  urn?  A cocoa  urn?  A milk  urn?  An  ice  box  or 

chest?  A steam  table? 

5.  Number  of  women  employed  by  the  firm?  How  many  usually  buy  their  lunch  or  a 

part  of  it  in  the  lunch  room?  How  many  usually  bring  lunches? 

Where  do  they  eat  them?  How  many  usually  eat  lunch  at  home? 

6.  Please  indicate  the  amount  usually  spent  in  the  lunch  room  by  women  for  their  noon  lunch 

The  amount  usually  spent  by  men  Are  these  amounts  estimated,  or  calculated 

from  some  checking  or  tally  system? 

7.  Is  the  lunch  room  run  at  cost?  At  profit?  At  a loss? 

What  is  the  cost  per  week  for  raw  materials?  For  fuel?  For  entire 

preparation  of  the  food?  For  the  serving  of  food?  For  clearing  away? 

For  space?  For  light?  For  heat?  For  upkeep? 

For  salaries?  What  articles  of  food  are  purchased  ready  to  serve,  to  save  baking  or 

cooking? 

8.  How  many  people  are  required  to  prepare  the  lunch?  To  serve  it? 

To  clear  away?  How  many  persons  who  assist  in  the  preparation  or  serving  are 

also  employed  by  the  firm  outside  the  lunch  room?  Is  the  lunch  room  managed  by 

a person  in  the  employ  of  the  firm,  or  leased  to  a contractor?  Does  a house 

committee  have  any  oversight  of  the  lunch  room?  How  many  members? 

How  long  does  a member  serve?  Are  both  employers  and  employees 

represented  on  this  committee? 

9.  Check  any  of  the  following  things  which  are  furnished  for  the  lunch  room:  Piano 

Graphophone  Magazines  Books  Newspapers  A permanent  li- 
brary A station  of  the  city  library  Are  any  of  these  furnished  in  a separate  rest 

or  recreation  room?  Please  name  any  other  attractive  features  in  the  furnishings  or 

equipment  of  the  lunch  room 

10.  If  possible,  kindly  enclose  menus  for  six  consecutive  days,  sample  of  check  or  ticket  used  in  sale 
of  food,  and  any  booklets  or  literature  in  regard  to  equipment  for  the  comfort,  recreation  and 
education  of  employees. 

Please  state  your  opinion  of  providing  lunch  facilities  for  women  employees,  as  a business  policy. 
Name  of  firm 

Manager  of  Lunch  Room. 

Return  to  Research  Department,  Women’s  Educational  and  Industrial  Union,  264  Boylston 
Street,  Boston. 


APPENDIX  A. 


191 


Form  No.  4. 


Organized  Houses  for  Women. 


Donations 


Wage  limit 

14.  Number  of  guests 


6.  Estimated  value 

Fee  from  guests 

11.  Interest 

References  required 
Date 


Number  accommodated 


Date 


1.  Name  2.  Address  3.  When  founded 

4.  Purpose 

5.  Is  the  plant  owned  by  the  association? 

7.  How  supported?  Endowment 

8.  Income  from  all  sources  (last  fiscal  year) 

9.  Amounts  paid  for  taxes  10.  Insurance 

12.  Who  are  the  beneficiaries? 

Age  limit 

13.  Capacity  of  the  house 

15.  Provisions  for  transients 

16.  How  do  girls  learn  about  the  house? 

Do  you  advertise?  Co-operate  with  room  registries? 

17.  List  of  guests,  classified  by  age  and  wage  groups.  (When  supplied,  this  was  put  on  a separate 

sheet.) 

18.  General  appearance  of  house 

19.  Provisions  for  social  life  of  guests 

20.  Library 

21.  Medical  department 

22.  Laundry,  equipment  Charge  Extent  of  patronage 

23.  Sewing  room,  equipment  Extent  of  patronage 

24.  Does  the  house  furnish  towels  and  bed  linen?  Launder  them? 

25.  Cost  of  supervising  the  house 

26.  Cost  of  cleaning  the  lodging  and  social  part  of  the  house  Number  employed 

Total  weekly  wages 

27.  Is  the  house  used  as  a neighborhood  social  center? 

28.  Where  is  the  dining  room  located? 

29.  General  appearance 

30.  Equipment:  Tables,  number  and  sizes  Covering  of  tables  Dishes,  etc. 

31.  Meal  hours 

32.  Method  of  serving 

33.  Estimates  of  costs  of  dining-room  department  for  one  week:  Lighting 

Cleaning  Serving  the  food  Preparation  of  food 

Laundering 

34.  Raw  materials  used  in  one  week.  (This  information  was  supplied  in  the  shape  of  bills,  storeroom 

orders  or  reports  from  cooks  or  managers.) 

(а)  Meat  (cuts)  Amounts  Costs 

(б)  Fowl  and  fish 

(c)  Milk,  cream,  butter  and  eggs  (each  item  separate) 

( d ) Fruits  and  fresh  vegetables 

( e ) Flour  and  cereals 
(/)  Groceries 

35.  Is  there  a dietitian  in  the  house?  If  so,  what  training  and  duties  are  required? 

36.  Are  employees  served  the  same  food  as  guests? 

37.  When  do  they  eat?  Number  served  from  dining  room 

38.  Are  dining-room  employees  used  in  caring  for  the  lodging  part  of  the  house? 

39.  How  are  supplies  purchased?  Retail  Wholesale  in  open  market 

Wholesale,  with  bids  Wholesale,  contracts  for  future  delivery 

40.  Provisions  for  storing  food 

41.  Accounting  of  storeroom 

42.  Menus  for  one  week 

43.  Reports  giving  itemized  summaries  of  income  from  all  sources,  and  expenditures  for  the  entire 

house 

Remarks: 


1 The  information  about  the  organized  houses  was  obtained  on  two  schedules  and  in  various  forms. 
Bills,  storeroom  orders  and  reports  from  persons  in  charge  were  supplemented  with  data  gathered 
from  printed  reports.  The  topics  covered  in  both  the  visitors’  and  house  managers’  schedules  are 
included  in  this  form. 


192 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Form  No.  5. 

Food  and  Living  Conditions  of  Women  Dispensary  Patients.1 

1.  Name  2.  Address  3.  Age 

4.  Birthplace:  (o)  Individual  (6)  Father  (c)  Mother 

5.  Years  in  U.  S.:  (a)  Individual  (6)  Father  (c)  Mother 

6.  Occupation:  (a)  Father  (5)  Mother 

7.  Number  in  the  home,  indicate  kinship  and  which  are  wage  earners 

8.  Tenement,  floor  Separate  house  No.  rooms  Inside  rooms 


9.  Occupation  of  subject 
12.  Time  in  present  position 
14.  Wages:  Time  Piece 

16.  Hours  of  work,  from  to 

Overtime 

17.  Time  per  day:  Sitting  Standing, 

18.  Workroom:  Floor  Elevator 

19.  Hours  per  week:  (a)  Housework 


10.  Employer  11.  Age  of  beginning  work 

13.  Other  positions  during  past  year 

Amount  per  week  15.  Idle  time  last  year 

Noon  period,  from  to  Total  weekly 

Walking,  Going  to  work,  Ride,  walk 

Lighting  Temperature  Dust  Odors 

(b)  Sewing  (c)  Laundering 


20.  Forms  and  amount  per  week  of  recreation 


21.  Bedroom  of  subject:  (a)  Daylight  (&)  Heat 

(d)  Open  at  night 

22.  Toilet  23.  Bathroom 

25.  Physical  condition,  former  illnesses 

26.  Teeth:  (a)  When  cleaned  (6)  Decayed  (c)  Pulled 

27.  Weight:  (o)  Present  (6)  Best  (c)  Lowest 

30.  Meals:  Hot  At  home  At  work  Hours 
Breakfast 
Lunch 
Supper 

31.  Use  of  Tea  Milk  Candy  Water  Coffee  Alcohol  Pickles 


(c)  Outside  windows 

24.  Baths,  how  often 

(d)  Ache  (e)  Visits  to  dentist 
28.  Height  29.  Skin 

Time  spent  Alone 


32.  Remarks  2 


1 This  form  is  taken  largely  from  the  one  used  in  a prior  study  of  women  dispensary  patients  made 
at  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital.  See  p.  126,  note  4. 

2 Menus  for  dispensary  patients  were  obtained  on  Forms  Nos.  1 and  6. 


APPENDIX  A. 


193 


Form  No.  6. 

Food  eaten  in  One  Week  and  what  it  costs. 


Days  (please  fill  in  Dates). 

What  did  You 
eat  for 
Breakfast? 

What  did 
You  eat  for 
Lunch? 

What  did 
You  eat  for 
Supper? 

Where  did  You 
eat  Each  of 
these  Meals, 
and  what  did 
Each  cos't? 

Monday,  

Date. 

% 

Tuesday, 

Date. 

Wednesday, 

Date. 

Thursday, 

Date. 

Friday, 

Date. 

Saturday,  ...... 

Date. 

Sunday,  

Date. 

Please  mail  the  completed  record  to  Research  Department,  264  Boylston  Street,  Boston,  Mass.  (A 
stamped  and  addressed  envelope  was  left  with  each  person  who  was  requested  to  return  the  form.) 


194 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Appendix  B. 


FIRMS  HAVING  AN  EMPLOYEES’  CAFETERIA. 

Mercantile  Establishments. 

1.  L.  S.  Ayres  Company, Indianapolis,  Ind. 

2.  Bloomingdale  Bros., New  York,  N.  Y. 

3.  Chandler  & Co., Boston,  Mass. 

4.  The  Emporium, San  Francisco,  Cal. 

5.  Marshall  Field  & Co., Chicago,  111. 

6.  Wm.  Filene’s  Sons  Company, Boston,  Mass. 

7.  Gilchrist  Company, Boston,  Mass. 

8.  Gimbel  Bros., Philadelphia,  Pa. 

9.  Greenhut-Siegel-Cooper  Company,  ....  New  York,  N.  Y. 

10.  Hochschild  Kohn  Company, Baltimore,  Md. 

11.  The  Halle  Bros.  Company, Cleveland,  Ohio. 

12.  C.  F.  Hovey  & Co., Boston,  Mass. 

13.  Jordan  Marsh  Company, Boston,  Mass. 

14.  LaSalle  & Koch  Company, Toledo,  Ohio. 

15.  R.  H.  Macy  & Co., New  York,  N.  Y. 

16.  Magrane  Houston  Company, Boston,  Mass. 

17.  R.  H.  Stearns  & Co., Boston,  Mass. 

18.  John  Wanamaker, Philadelphia,  Pa. 

19.  R.  H.  White  Company, Boston,  Mass. 

20.  Woodward  & Lothrop, Washington,  D.  C. 

Factories. 

1.  Ballard  & Ballard, Louisville,  Ky. 

2.  H.  Black  & Co.  (Wooltex), Cleveland,  Ohio. 

3.  Cleveland  Twist  Drill  Company,  ....  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

4.  Dennison  Manufacturing  Company,  . . . Framingham,  Mass. 

5.  Eastman  Kodak  Company, Rochester,  N.  Y. 

6.  Joseph  & Feiss  Company  (Clothcraft),  . . . Cleveland,  Ohio. 

7.  Fels  & Co., Philadelphia,  Pa. 

8.  National  Lamp  Works  of  General  Electric  Com- 

pany,   East  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

9.  Westinghouse  Electric  and  Manufacturing  Com- 

pany,   East  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

10.  Western  Electric  Company, New  York,  N.  Y. 

11.  H.  J.  Heinz  Company, Allegheny,  Pa. 

12.  International  Harvester  Company,  ....  Chicago,  111. 


APPENDIX  B. 


195 


13.  Larkin  Manufacturing  Company,  . 

14.  Lowe  Bros.  Company, 

15.  National  Cash  Register  Company,  .... 

16.  National  Biscuit  Company,  . . 

17.  The  Norton  Company, 

18.  Thos.  G.  Plant  Shoe  Company,  .... 

18.  Swift  & Co., 

20.  Shredded  Wheat  Company, 

21.  J.  P.  Squire  & Co., 

22.  Sherwin-Williams  Company, 

23.  Talbot  Mills, 

24.  United  States  Steel  Corporation,  .... 

25.  United  States  Envelope  Company,  .... 

26.  United  Shoe  Machinery  Company,  . . . . 

27.  Wood  Worsted  Mill, 

28.  Westinghouse  Air  Brake  Company,  . . . . 

29.  Waltham  Watch  Company, 

30.  Packard  Motor  Company, 

31.  Jeffrey,  Thos.  B.,  Company,  • 

32.  Royal  Worcester  Corset  Company,  . . . . 

Others. 

1.  Public  Service  Railway  Company  of  New  Jersey,  . 

2.  First  National  Bank, 

3.  Metropolitan  Life  Insurance  Company,  . 

4.  New  York  Life  Insurance  Company, 

5.  Curtis  Publishing  Company, 

6.  Outlook  Company, 

7.  Plimpton  Press, 

8.  New  England  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company, 

9.  Women’s  Educational  and  Industrial  Union,  . 


Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Dayton,  Ohio. 

Dayton,  Ohio. 

New  York,  N.  Y. 
Worcester,  Mass. 
Boston,  Mass. 

Chicago,  111. 

Niagara  Falls,  N.  Y. 
Cambridge,  Mass. 
Cleveland,  Ohio. 

North  Billerica,  Mass. 
New  York,  N.  Y. 
Springfield,  Mass. 
Beverly,  Mass. 
Lawrence,  Mass. 
Wilmerding,  Pa. 
Waltham,  Mass. 
Detroit,  Mich. 
Kenosha,  Wis. 
Worcester,  Mass. 


Newark,  N.  J. 
Chicago,  111. 

New  York,  N.  Y. 
New  York,  N.  Y. 
Philadelphia,  Pa. 
New  York,  N.  Y. 
Norwood,  Mass. 
Boston,  Mass. 
Boston,  Mass. 


196 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Appendix  C. 


METHODS  OF  CALCULATING  THE  VARIETY  OF  FOOD. 

In  considering  variety  of  food  eaten  in  one  week,  two  difficulties  of 
classification  were  encountered,  — first,  the  schedules  to  be  used  did 
not  include  reports  of  the  same  number  of  meals  in  all  cases,  and 
second,  the  variety  of  food  was  large  and,  at  first  glance,  bewildering. 
Since  the  food  schedules  were  filled  in  for  periods  varying  in  length 
from  two  days  to  seven,  the  following  method  for  reducing  all  menus 
to  21  meals  was  adopted. 

The  variety  of  food  eaten  at  one  meal  was  regarded  as  1/21  of  the 
probable  total  variety  for  a week.  All  schedules  containing  the  same 
number  of  meals  were  placed  in  one  group,  numbers  showing  the  fre- 
quency of  occurrence  of  different  kinds  of  food  for  the  group  were 
found,  and  multiplied  by  2l/X,  X representing  the  number  of  meals 
of  each  person  in  the  group.  The  products  were  divided  by  the  num- 
bers of  persons  in  the  groups.  This  method  resulted  in  the  short- 
comings of  one  group  correcting  those  of  another.  Six  meals  were 
evidently  a fair  sample  of  21  meals.  The  following  table  shows  the 
similarity  in  proportion  of  the  foods  of  different  kinds  in  the  group  of 
dispensary  cases,  where  the  reports  covered,  respectively,  21  and  6 
meals.  The  variety  of  the  21-meal  group  appears  exactly  as  reported; 
the  variety  of  the  women  reporting  6 meals  is  weighted  by  the  method 
described  above.  As  will  readily  be  seen,  the  two  groups  differ  little 
from  each  other  or  from  the  total  group,  which  includes  21-meal, 
6-meal  and  intermediate  groups,  weighted  as  described  (Table  76). 

In  an  inquiry  of  this  nature  no  attempt  to  obtain  any  kind  of  quan- 
titative data  was  feasible.  Variety  could,  therefore,  form  the  only 
po&sible  basis  of  comparison  of  menus.  In  general,  variety  indicates 
quantity  to  some  extent,  as  a “helping”  of  meat,  a slice  of  bread  or  a 
cup  of  coffee  have  fairly  fixed  quantitative  meanings.  Throughout  this 
study  variety  of  food  means  the  number  of  times  given  articles  ap- 
peared on  the  menus  reported  for  one  week.  Percentage  of  variety 
means  the  ratio  to  the  total  variety  of  any  one  article  of  food.  The 
total  range,  or  variety,  is  the  sum  of  the  number  of  times  all  articles 
are  mentioned  in  the  menus.  Since  tea  and  coffee  have  little  food 
value  they  were  discussed  separately;  therefore  total  variety,  as  the 


Table  76.  — Frequency  of  Use  in  One  Week  of  Certain  Foods,  and  the  Proportions  which  they  constitute  of  the  Total  Weekly  Range  of 


APPENDIX  C 


197 


198 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


term  is  used  in  the  discussions  in  Chapters  III.  and  V.,  means  variety 
of  food  excluding  coffee,  tea  and  coffee  substitutes.  The  basis  of 
classification  of  articles  was  the  convenient  one  suggested  by  Dr. 
Langworthy,1  and  food  groups  were  arranged  as  follows:  — 

Group  1.  — Beverages  having  little  food  value:  tea,  coffee,  miscel- 
laneous beverages,  principally  soda  water  and  coffee  substitutes. 

Group  2. — Other  beverages:  cocoa,  chocolate  and  milk,  including 
malted  milk  and  eggnog. 

Group  3.  — Carbohydrate  food:  bread  of  all  kinds;  cake,  including 
cookies;  cereals;  macaroni;  desserts,  including  ices  and  puddings  not 
composed  chiefly  of  fruit;  pastry,  including  fruit  pies;  and  candy,  of 
which  mention  was  seldom  made. 

Group  4-  — Protein  food : cheese,  eggs,  beans,  fish  and  meats. 

Meats  classified  as  beef,  including  veal;  pork,  including  corned  shoul- 
der, ham  and  bacon;  mutton  and  lamb;  chicken  and  turkey;  other 
meat,  including  sausage  and  meat,  kind  not  mentioned.  (Among 
Jewish  people  meat  usually  meant  beef.) 

Group  5.  — Salads  of  all  kinds,  largely  lettuce  and  fruit  or  vegetable 
mixtures,  potatoes,  and  other  vegetables  except  beans.  Vegetables 
were  either  fresh  or  canned,  but  no  attempt  to  distinguish  the  two 
could  be  made. 

Group  6.  — Fruits,  fresh  or  cooked,  and  fruit  puddings. 

Group  7.  — Soups. 

Group  8.  — Pickles. 

No  effort  to  classify  fatty  foods  separately  proved  successful,  partly 
because  of  the  frequent  omission  from  the  menus  of  the  mention  of 
butter,  although  its  use  probably  was  general.  Among  Jewish  people 
this  is  not  true,  as  they  do  not  serve  butter  and  meat  at  the  same 
meal. 

As  will  readily  be  seen,  this  classification  is  approximate  only, 
adopted  chiefly  for  convenience.  It  is  obvious,  for  example,  that 
pastry  does  not  belong  exclusively  to  the  carbohydrate  group,  beans 
to  the  protein  group,  or  potatoes  to  the  mineral  group.  Almost  all  of 
the  foods  could  have  been  classified  under  more  than  one  head. 
Because  of  the  difficulty  of  properly  classifying  liquid  foods,  soups, 
cocoa  and  milk  are  kept  separate  throughout  the  discussion. 

1 See  Langworthy,  C.  F.:  Food  Selections  for  Rational  and  Economical  Living,  Scientific  Monthly, 
Vol.  II.,  No.  3 (March,  1916),  pp.  302,  303. 


APPENDIX  D. 


199 


Appendix  D. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Reliable  works  dealing  with  the  most  important  aspects  of  dietetics 
are  included  in  the  following  list  of  books  and  magazine  articles. 
While  the  books  intended  for  physicians  are  usually  too  technical  for 
lay  readers,  the  bulk  of  the  citations  are  within  the  grasp  of  any 
person  who  has  received  a secondary  school  education.  References 
to  the  many  excellent  bulletins  issued  from  the  Food  Laboratory  of 
the  Bureau  of  Chemistry  of  the  United  States  Department  of  Agri- 
culture are  omitted.  These  are  often  of  great  practical  value,  and 
are  distributed  without  charge  or  sold  for  a trifling  sum.  Persons 
interested  in  following  the  results  of  original  research  in  this  field 
should  consult  the  current  numbers  of  the  “ Journal  of  Biological 
Chemistry”  and  the  publications  of  the  Carnegie  Nutrition  Laboratory. 

Bayliss,  W.  H.  “The  Physiology  of  Food  and  Economy  in  Diet.”  London. 
Longmans,  Green  & Co.,  1917,  107  p. 

Written  for  use  during  the  present  war.  A simple  but  scholarly  presentation 
of  essentials. 

Brewster,  Edwin  Tenney,  and  Brewster,  Lilian.  “The  Nutrition  of  a House- 
hold.” Boston  and  New  York.  Houghton  Mifflin  Company,  1915,  208  p. 

Revision  of  a series  of  magazine  articles  dealing  with  the  subject  in  a non- 
technical way. 

Bryce,  Alexander.  “Modern  Theories  of  Diet  and  their  Bearing  upon  Practical 
Dietetics.”  New  York.  Longmans,  Green  & Co.,  1912,  368  p. 

Summarizes  theories  of  metabolism,  and  gives  a critical  discussion  of  the 
theories  and  practices  of  vegetarianism,  low-protein  and  purin-free  diets, 
schemes  recommending  special  uses  of  mineral  salts,  water,  curdled  milk, 
etc.,  and  various  fasting  and  forced  feeding  plans. 

Cathcart,  E.  P.  “The  Physiology  of  Protein  Metabolism.”  London  and  New 
York.  Longmans,  Green  & Co.,  1912,  142  p. 

Gives  the  important  results  of  the  investigations  of  the  protein  requirements 
of  the  body,  the  effects  of  starvation  and  bodily  activity  on  the  utilization 
of  proteins,  and  the  extent  to  which  fats  and  carbohydrates  may  serve  as 
sparers  of  protein. 

Cannon,  Walter  B.  “The  Mechanical  Factors  of  Digestion.”  New  York. 
Longmans,  Green  & Co.,  1911,  227  p. 

Reports  the  results  of  investigations  of  the  activities  of  the  digestive  tract 
made  at  Harvard  University. 


200 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Cannon,  Walter  B.  “Bodily  Changes  in  Pain,  Hunger,  Fear  and  Rage,  an 
Account  of  Recent  Researches  into  the  Function  of  Emotional  Excitement.” 
New  York  and  London.  D.  Appleton  & Co.,  1915. 

Carlson,  Anton  Julius.  “The  Control  of  Hunger  in  Health  and  Disease.” 
Chicago.  University  of  Chicago  Press,  1916,  319  p. 

Reports  of  experiments  made  at  Chicago  University. 

Chittendon,  Russell  H.  “Physiological  Economy  in  Nutrition.”  New  York. 
Frederick  A.  Stokes  Company,  1904,  478  p. 

Reports  of  the  results  of  experiments  with  a low-protein  diet  by  soldiers  of  the 
United  States  army  and  Yale  students. 

“The  Nutrition  of  Man.”  New  York.  Frederick  A.  Stokes  Company, 

1907,  321  p. 

Explains  the  processes  connected  with  nutrition,  and  presents  the  arguments 
for  a low-protein  diet. 

Davis,  Nathan  S.  “Food  in  Health  and  Disease.”  Philadelphia.  P.  Blakiston’s 
Sons  & Co.,  1912,  449  p. 

Deals  with  the  general  principles  of  dietetics  and  with  diets  suitable  for  per- 
sons suffering  from  various  diseased  conditions. 

Friedenwald,  Julius,  and  Ruhrah,  John.  “Diet  in  Health  and  Disease.”  Phila- 
delphia and  London.  W.  B.  Saunders  Company,  1913,  857  p. 

In  addition  to  a discussion  of  the  chemistry  and  physiology  of  digestion,  and 
the  composition  of  foods,  this  book  prescribes  dietaries  for  persons  suffering 
from  various  diseases. 

Gebhart,  F.  C.,  and  Lusk,  Graham.  “Analysis  and  Cost  of  Ready-to-serve 
Foods.”  Chicago.  Press  of  the  American  Medical  Association,  1915, 
• 83  p. 

Reports  the  food  values  of  dishes  commonly  served  in  restaurants. 

Holst,  Axel.  “Diet  in  Relation  to  Disease.”  International  Congress  of  Hygiene 
and  Demography  Transactions,  II.,  583-590,  1912. 

Gives  the  results  of  experiments  at  the  Hygiene  Institute  of  the  University  of 
Christiana,  showing  the  effects  of  the  absence  from  the  diet  of  certain  en- 
zymes or  vitamines. 

Jordon,  Whitman.  “Principles  of  Human  Nutrition,  a Study  in  Practical  Die- 
tetics.” New  York.  Macmillan  Company,  1912,  450  p. 

One  of  the  less  technical  presentations  of  the  subject. 

Langworthy,  C.  F.  “Food  Selection  for  Rational  Living.”  Scientific  Monthly, 
II.,  294-306  (March,  1916). 

A brief  explanation  of  the  nutritional  needs  of  the  body  and  easily  understood 
directions  for  selecting  a properly  balanced  ration. 

Leathes,  J.  B.  “The  Fats.”  London  and  New  York.  Longmans,  Green  & Co., 
1910. 

Discussion  of  the  characteristics  and  properties  of  fats. 

Lusk,  Graham.  “The  Elements  of  the  Science  of  Nutrition.”  Philadelphia 
and  London.  W.  B.  Saunders  Company,  1909, 315  p. 

One  of  the  best  discussions  of  the  subject. 


APPENDIX  D. 


201 


Lusk,  Graham.  “The  Fundamental  Basis  of  Nutrition.”  New  Haven.  .Yale 
University  Press,  1914,  62  p. 

Condensed  summary  of  the  essential  facts  about  nutrition. 

McCaskey,  D.  “Vitamines  and  Cooking.”  Scientific  Monthly,  CXIII.,  379 
(Oct.  30,  1915). 

Information  based  on  personal  observations  about  the  effects  of  an  absence  of 
the  so-called  vitamines  from  the  diet. 

McCay,  Major  D.  “The  Protein  Element  in  Nutrition.”  New  York.  Long- 
mans, Green  & Co.,  1912,  216  p. 

Shows  that  the  more  vigorous  races  have  used  a high  protein  diet. 

Mendel,  Lafayette  B.  “Newer  Points  of  View  about  the  Part  played  by  Dif- 
ferent Food  Substances  in  Nutrition.”  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association,  LXIII.,  819-822  (Sept.  5,  1914). 

Condensed  summary  of  the  results  of  recent  investigations,  particularly  those 
dealing  with  the  nutritional  values  of  proteins  and  fats. 

“Nutrition  and  Growth.”  The  Harvey  Lectures,  1914-15.  Philadelphia 

and  London.  J.  P.  Lippincott  Company,  1915. 

“Changes  in  the  Food  Supply  and  their  Relation  to  Nutrition.”  New 

Haven.  Yale  University  Press,  1916,  61  p. 

A brief,  easily  understood  discussion  of  practical  value  to  the  lay  reader. 

Noorden,  Carl  von.  “Metabolism  and  Practical  Medicine.”  Chicago.  W.  T. 
Keener  & Co.,  1907,  3 vols.,  452,  1320  p. 

Full  treatment,  suitable  for  physicians. 

Plonies,  W.  “Diet  as  a Weighty  Factor  of  Casual  Therapeutics  in  Severe  Dis- 
eases of  the  Stomach  and  Intestines,  in  Troubles  of  Metabolism,  Kidney 
Troubles,  Disorders  of  the  Circulation,  in  Pulmonary  Diseases,  and  in 
Nervous  and  Mental  Diseases.”  International  Congress  of  Hygiene  and 
Demography  Transactions,  II.,  483-535. 

Rose,  Mary  Swartz.  “Feeding  the  Family.”  New  York.  The  Macmillan  Com- 
pany, 1916,  449  p. 

Particularly  valuable  for  its  presentation  of  the  food  requirements  of  children 
of  different  ages.  Many  recipes  and  menus  suitable  for  family  use  are  given. 

Sherman,  Henry  C.  “Chemistry  of  Food  and  Nutrition.”  New  York.  The 
Macmillan  Company,  1911,  355  p. 

Presents  the  principles  of  the  chemistry  of  food  and  nutrition,  with  special 
reference  to  the  food  requirements  of  man  and  the  considerations  which 
should  underlie  our  judgment  of  the  nutritive  value  of  food. 

Stiles,  Percy  Goldthwait.  “Nutritional  Physiology.”  Philadelphia  and  Lon- 
don, 1916.  288  p. 

An  excellent  summary  of  information  about  the  processes  by  which  food  is 
transformed  into  human  energy. 

Taylor,  Alonzo  Englebert.  “Digestion  and  Metabolism,  the  Physiological  and 
Pathological  Chemistry  of  Nutrition.”  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Lea 
& Febiger,  1912,  560  p. 

Describes  the  chemical  changes  in  normal  and  abnormal  digestion,  and  ex- 
plains the  modifications  that  food  materials  undergo  within  the  body.  In- 
tended primarily  for  physicians. 


202 


FOOD  OF  WORKING  WOMEN  IN  BOSTON. 


Thompson,  Sir  Henry.  “ Diet  in  Relation  to  Age  and  Activity  with  Hints  con- 
cerning Habits  conducive  to  Longevity.”  London.  Frederick  Warne  & 
Co.,  134  p. 

Underhill,  Frank  P.  “ The  Physiology  of  the  Amino  Acids.”  New  Haven.  Yale 
University  Press,  1915,  169  p. 

Voegtlin,  Carl.  “The  Chemical  Nature  and  Physiological  Significance  of  So- 
called  Vitamines.”  The  Scientific  Monthly,  II.,  289-293  (March,  1916). 


INDEX. 


INDEX.1 


Accounting  System,  organized  houses, 
106. 

Adequacy  of  Diet,  organized  houses, 
114-117. 

Adrift,  term  applied  to  women,  69. 

Age,  women  adrift,  70,  71;  women  in 
organized  houses,  106,  124;  dispen- 
sary patients,  127,  130,  132,  134. 

Age  at  Beginning  Work,  women  dispen- 
sary patients,  155. 

American  Working  Women,  variety  of 
food  in  menu,  38-42. 

Anemia,  women  dispensary  patients  suffer- 
ing from,  135. 

Apartment  Houses,  for  light  house- 
keeping, 172-173. 

Attractiveness  of  Food  Service,  im- 
portance of,  114,  121. 

Back  Bay,  living  expenses  of  self-support- 
ing women,  77. 

Baked  Beans,  see  Beans. 

Baltimore,  statistics  of  women  at  work, 
14,  15,  16;  retail  food  prices  compared 
with  Boston,  17;  number  of  women 
workers  living  at  home,  and  boarding, 
66. 

Basement  Dining  Rooms,  organized 
houses,  121. 

Bathing  Facilities,  dispensary  patients, 
156-157. 

Beal  Nurses  Home,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 108. 

Beans,  frequency  of  use  in  menu,  94;  as 
part  of  breakfast,  96;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  137,  138,  143, 
144,  150,  152;  of  low-wage  workers, 
174. 

Beef,  see  Meat. 

Bethany  Union,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 107. 

Beverages,  classification,  198. 

Bibliography,  199-202. 

Bill  of  Fare,  see  Menus. 


Board,  expenditure  of  workers  for,  75, 
83;  cost  with  room  in  organized 
houses,  115. 

Boarders,  women  workers  reported  as, 
66-67. 

Boarding  Houses,  cost  of  food,  83,  84; 
comparison  with  restaurants,  86;  see 
also  Organized  Houses. 

Bookbinder,  metabolism  of,  116. 

Boston,  statistics  of  women  at  work,  13- 
16;  retail  food  prices  compared  with 
other  cities,  17;  number  of  women 
workers  living  at  home,  and  board- 
ing, 66-68. 

Box  Lunches,  attitude  of  workers  towards, 
42. 

Bread,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  40,  45,  46, 
100;  frequency  of  use,  90,  95;  con- 
sumption in  low-wage  group,  93;  as 
part  of  breakfast,  96;  served  by 
organized  houses,  110-113;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  138,  139,  140;  of 
immigrant  groups,  145,  149;  in  con- 
stipation cases,  150;  sample  menu, 
152-153;  excessive  use  of,  174. 

Breakfast,  working  women,  93,  96;  time 
taken  for,  153;  omission  of,  154. 

Brooke  House,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 107. 

Brookline,  living  expenses  of  self-support- 
ing women,  77. 

Brush  Factories,  living  arrangements  of 
women  workers,  67. 

Butter,  in  Russian  diet,  143;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  152,  153. 

Cafeteria,  Employees,  patronage,  22, 
23;  luncheon  cost,  47,  49-54;  depart- 
ment stores,  47-49;  comparison  with 
commercial  restaurants,  49-54,  58; 
types,  59-60;  equipment,  60-62;  cost 
of  food  and  prices,  61-64;  firms  con- 
ducting, 194-195. 

Cafeteria  Service,  restaurants,  45;  or- 
ganized houses,  122. 


1 Prepared  by  Ethel  M.  Johnson,  librarian  of  the  Women’s  Educational  and  Industrial  Union. 


206 


INDEX. 


Cake,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  42,  46; 
frequency  of  use,  91,  95;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  110-113;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  138,  139,  143; 
of  immigrant  groups,  145;  in  consti- 
pation cases,  150;  sample  menu,  152- 
153. 

California  Immigration  Commission, 
domestic  science  instruction  provided 
by,  163. 

Calories,  Food,  menus  of  organized 
houses,  115;  requirements  of  working 
women,  116. 

Cambridge,  living  expenses  of  self-sup- 
porting women,  77. 

Canadian  Women,  kind  of  food  in  menu, 
38-42. 

Candy,  in  average  menu,  39,  44;  in 

lunches  put  up  by  organized  houses, 
113;  in  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
149. 

Candy  Factories*  living  arrangements  of 
women  workers,  67. 

Carbohydrate  Foods,  variation  with 
wage  groups,  89-91;  frequency  in 
weekly  menu,  92,  95;  proportion  in 
diet  of  dispensary  patients,  136,  138, 
139,  140,  142;  increase  in  use  with 
wage,  143;  relation  of  nationality  to, 
145;  in  constipation  cases,  148,  150; 
frequency  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 197 ; foods  included,  198. 

Cereals,  in  average  menu,  18,  46,  90-91; 
increase  in  use  with  wages,  91;  fre- 
quency of  use,  95-96;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  110-113;  as  protein 
source,  118;  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 138,  139,  143,  145,  152,  153; 
in  constipation  cases,  150;  in  diet  of 
high-wage  workers,  174. 

Charlesbank  Homes,  purpose  and  man- 
agement, 108. 

Cheese,  in  average  menu,  38,  40,  46; 
frequency  of  use,  94,  99;  on  menus 
of  organized  houses,  109;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  137-138,  143, 

144;  in  constipation  cases,  150;  in 
diet  of  wage  earners,  166. 

Chicago,  statistics  of  women  at  work, 
14-16;  retail  food  prices,  17;  living 
arrangements  of  women  workers,  66; 
rates  of  boarding  houses,  120. 

Chicken,  see  Meat. 

Choice  of  Food,  see  Variety  of  Food. 

Churches,  assistance  in  living  arrange- 
ments for  women,  179. 


Classification  of  food,  198. 

Clerical  Workers,  dispensary  patients, 
131;  wages,  132;  dispensary  depart- 
ments, 133;  diagnoses,  135. 

Cleveland,  statistics  of  women  at  work, 
13-16;  retail  food  prices,  17;  living 
arrangements  of  women  workers,  66. 

Clothing  Factories,  living  arrangements 
of  women  workers,  67. 

Cocoa,  in  average  menu,  18,  39,  46,  90; 
frequency  of  use,  92,  174;  on  menus 
of  organized  houses,  112;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  136,  140,  142, 
143,  152,  153,  197 ; constipation  cases, 
146,  148 ; in  diet  of  high- wage  workers, 
174. 

Coffee,  in  average  menu,  18,  39,  45,  46; 
frequency  of  use,  91;  increase  with 
wage,  93;  on  menus  of  organized 
houses,  110-113;  in  diet  of  dispensary 
patients,  146,  149,  152,  197;  frequency 
in  diet  of  low-wage  workers,  174. 

Cold  Lunches,  employees’  reasons  for 
preference,  28;  factory  workers,  163; 
bad  effects,  164.  See  also  Lunches. 

Colored  Women,  organized  home  for, 
108,  123. 

Combinations,  commercial  restaurants, 
* 45-46. 

Constipation,  women  dispensary  patients, 
135;  Russian  women,  146;  in  relation 
to  diet,  148-151;  causes,  149,  174, 
175;  dietary  treatment,  166. 

Cooking  Facilities,  provisions  for  fac- 
tory workers,  36-37 ; in  organized 
houses,  123;  see  also  Cafeterias,  Em- 
ployees’. 

Co-operative  Boarding  Houses,  estab- 
lishment, 102;  capacity  and  occu- 
pants, 103. 

Co-operative  Housekeeping,  83,  87,  99- 
100,  173;  working  women,  177-179; 
expenses,  177;  objections  to,  178; 
outlook  for,  179. 

Co-operative  Lunches,  factory  workers, 
37;  lunch  arrangements,  165. 

Corn  Meal,  unpopularity,  99. 

Corset  Factories,  living  arrangements 
of  women  workers,  67. 

Cost  of  Food,  comparison  in  different 
cities,  17,  19;  in  organized  houses, 
117-121. 

Cost  of  Living,  self-supporting  women, 
78-89;  comparison  with  family  group, 
180;  in  different  wage  groups,  82; 
low-wage  group,  88-89. 


INDEX. 


207 


Debility,  women  dispensary  patients,  135- 

Defective  Diet,  danger,  184. 

Delicatessen  Shops,  in  connection  with 
light  housekeeping,  85. 

Department  Stores,  lunch  room  facilities 
for  employees,  21,  22,  23,  32;  em- 
ployees’ cafeterias,  47-64;  comparison 
with  commercial  restaurants,  49-54, 
58;  variety  of  food,  54-58;  types  of 
lunch  rooms,  59-60;  equipment,  60- 
62;  patronage  and  prices,  61-64;  im- 
portance of,  166.  See  also  Sales- 
women. 

Designers,  wages  reported,  25;  length  of 
lunch  period,  30. 

Desserts,  frequency  in  menu,  91,  95; 
served  by  organized  houses,  110-112; 
in  diet  of  dispensary  patients,  138, 
139,  143,  145;  in  constipation  cases, 
150. 

Diet,  relation  to  health,  126-161,  182-184.- 

Dietary,  organized  houses,  106-121;  ade- 
quacy, 114-117;  protein  food  calories 
supplied,  115—117;  cost  of  food,  117— 
121;  source  of  proteins,  118;  for  high- 
wage  and  low-wage  workers,  174.  See 
also  Menu. 

Dietary  Habits,  women  adrift,  93-99. 

Dietetics,  need  for  instruction  in,  163, 
166,  167,  173,  176,  184. 

Digestive  Disorders,  women  dispensary 
patients,  135;  relation  of  diet  to,  143, 
146.  See  also  Constipation. 

Dining  Rooms,  organized  houses,  121. 

Diseases,  women  dispensary  patients,  135. 

Dispensary  Patients,  126-160;  classifica- 
tion, 127-135;  diagnoses,  135;  kind 
and  variety  of  food  eaten,  135-153, 
197;  in  relation  to  nationality,  142- 
147;  in  relation  to  certain  disorders, 
148-152;  eating  habits,  153-154;  eco- 
nomic status  of  families,  154-155; 
living  conditions,  156-157;  working 
conditions,  157-159;  hours  of  labor, 
158;  use  of  leisure  time,  159-160; 
questionnaire  used,  192-193. 

Domestic  Servants,  number  living  in 
organized  houses,  104;  number  adrift, 
105;  dispensary  patients,  133. 

Doughnuts,  as  part  of  breakfast,  96. 

Dressing  Rooms,  as  place  for  eating 
lunch,  22. 

Earnings,  women  in  subsidized  houses, 
105-106.  See  also  Wages. 

Eating  Habits,  women  adrift,  168-176. 


Eggs,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  40,  46,  90; 
frequency  of  use,  94,  96;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  109-112;  as  protein 
source,  118;  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 137,  138,  143,  144;  in  constipa- 
tion cases,  150,  152,  153 ; frequency  in 
diet  of  low-wage  workers,  174. 

Eleanor  Association,  mention  of,  103. 

Emotions,  effect  on  digestion,  171. 

Employees’  Cafeterias,  see  Cafeterias, 
Employees’. 

Employees’  Lunch  Rooms,  importance  of, 
166;  questionnaire  regarding,  190.  See 
also  Cafeterias,  Employees’. 

Employers’,  interest  in  lunch  service  for 
workers,  165,  166. 

English  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38-41. 

Expenditure  for  Food,  women  adrift, 
72-78,  174,  175-176,  180;  effect  of 
residence  on,  75-77;  increase  with 
wage,  89-90,  96-97,  99,  169,  176; 
women  in  organized  houses,  115,  120, 
121,  122,  179;  in  co-operative  house- 
keeping, 177-178. 

Factories,  providing  cooking  facilities  for 
employees,  36;  living  arrangements 
of  women  workers,  67 ; boarding  home, 
102;  list  of  those  with  cafeterias  for 
employees,  194-195. 

Factory  Lunch  Service,  importance  of, 
165-166. 

Factory  Workers,  inclusion  in  study,  20; 
methods  of  obtaining  noon  lunch,  21; 
eating  facilities,  22;  proportion  bring- 
ing lunch  from  home,  23 ; weekly  wage, 
24-28 ; reasons  for  bringing  lunch  from 
home,  27-28,  35;  length  of  noon 
period,  26-30,  35;  use  of  spare  time, 
31,  32;  relation  of  nativity  to  kind  of 
lunch,  33-35;  use  of  cooking  facilities 
provided,  36-37;  prices  paid  for 
lunches,  43,  45-47. 

Families,  dispensary  patients,  154-155. 

Family  Budgets,  comparison  with  individ- 
uals, 176. 

Family  Group,  women  workers  outside, 
65-100. 

Fatigue,  relation  to  digestive  disorders, 
157 ; resulting  from  light  housekeeping, 
170;  effect  on  digestion,  171;  result- 
ing from  excess  protein,  175. 

Fats,  lack  of  in  Russian  diet,  143. 

Fireless  Cookers,  for  light  housekeeping, 
174. 


208 


INDEX. 


Fish,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  40,  45,  46, 
90;  frequency  of  use,  94,  96;  unpopu- 
larity, 99;  on  menus  of  organized 
houses,  109-112;  in  diet  of  dispensary 
patients,  137,  138,  143,  144,  152;  in 
constipation  cases,  150. 

Food,  received  as  wage,  14. 

Food  Values,  see  Calories,  Food. 

Foreign  Working  Women,  proportion, 
Boston,  15,  16.  See  also  Nationality 
of  Workers. 

Forewomen,  wages  reported,  25. 

Frances  E.  Willard  House,  purpose  and 
management,  107. 

Franklin  Square  House,  purpose  and 
management,  108. 

Free  Lunches,  number  of  firms  providing, 
63,  64. 

Fi^pnch  Women’s  Christian  Associa- 
tion, purpose  and  management,  108. 

Fruit,  in  average  menu,  18,  39,  42,  46,  91, 
93;  increase  in  consumption  with 
wages,  93;  as  part  of  breakfast,  96; 
frequency  of  use,  98;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  109-113;  in  diet 
of  dispensary  patients,  138,  140,  141, 
147;  of  garment  workers,  149;  in 
constipation  .cases,  151;  need  of 
factory  women,  165;  in  diet  of  wage 
earners,  166;  in  diet  of  high-wage 
workers,  174. 

Fruit  Venders,  42,  44. 

Garment  Workers,  constipation  among, 
146. 

Gas,  charge  for  light  housekeeping,  85. 

German  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38,  42. 

Harriet  Tubman  House,  purpose  and 
management,  108. 

Health,  influence  of  diet  on,  182-184. 

Health  Provisions,  organized  houses, 
124. 

Hemenway,  The,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 108. 

Hemenway  House,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 108. 

Home  Making,  instruction  for  single 
women,  172. 

Home-prepared  Lunches,  number  of 
women  interviewed  bringing,  21,  23; 
factors  determining,  24-35;  relation 
of  wage  to,  24-29;  relation  of  length 
of  noon  period  to,  29-30;  relation  of 


employment  to,  30-34;  relation  of 
nationality  to,  34-35;  provisions  for 
supplementing,  35-37;  kinds  of  food 
brought,  37-42;  proportion  of  depart- 
ment store  workers  bringing,  54. 

Homes,  see  Organized  Houses. 

Hosiery  Factories,  living  arrangement 
of  women  workers,  67. 

Hospitals,  see  Dispensaries. 

Hot  Lunches,  employees’  reasons  for 
preference,  27,  29.  See  also  Cooking 
Facilities  and  Lunches. 

Hotels  for  Women,  commercial,  number 
in  Boston,  103. 

Hours  of  Work,  effect  on  health,  154; 
dispensary  patients,  157-158. 

Housework,  use  of  leisure  time  for,  159- 
160. 

Ices,  on  menus  of  organized  houses,  110- 

112. 

Immigrant  Families,  need  of  instruction 
in  dietetics,  163. 

Income,  relation  to  expenditure  for  food 
and  rent,  72-90,  93,  96,  97,  99.  See 
also  Wages. 

Index  Numbers,  food  prices,  Boston  and 
other  cities,  17. 

Indigestion,  relation  of  fatigue  to,  171. 

Infant  Mortality,  possible  causes,  184. 

Irish  Working  Women,  variety  of  food  in 
menu,  38-42. 

Irregularity,  in  meals  of  dispensary 
patients,  154. 

Italian  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38-42. 

Jewish  Religion,  influence  on  diet,  143. 

Jewish  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38-42. 

Kitchenette  Apartments,  need  for  low- 
priced,  172. 

Labor  Cost,  employees’  cafeteria,  61. 

Laundries,  living  arrangements  of  women 
workers,  67. 

Laundry,  expenditure  of  self-supporting 
women  for,  81;  facilities  provided  by 
organized  houses,  124;  done  in  room, 
170. 

Leisure  Time,  use  by  dispensary  patients, 
159-160. 


INDEX. 


209 


Length  of  Noon  Hour,  relation  to  wage, 
163. 

Light  Housekeeping,  working  women, 
83-86;  charge  of  gas  for,  85;  dietary 
habits  in  connection  with,  93;  per 
cent,  of  women  studied  practicing, 
169;  objections  to,  170-172. 

Liquid  Foods,  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 142,  146,  148,  152. 

Living  Arrangements,  women  workers, 
66-68;  in  the  eight  largest  cities,  66; 
in  different  industries  in  Massachu- 
setts, 67;  group  of  Boston  workers 
studied,  83-87;  dispensary  patients, 
132,  134,  156-157. 

Living  Expenses,  see  Cost  of  Living. 

Living  Wage,  relation  to  food,  25,  26;  to 
rent,  99.  See  also  Wages. 

Loans,  importance  of,  to  working  women, 
175. 

Lodgings,  women  workers,  see  Organized 
Houses;  also  Rent. 

Loneliness,  women  adrift,  69,  71. 

“Lone-woman  Plan  of  Living,”  168-173. 

Low- wage  Workers,  expenditures,  88-89; 
diet,  93,  174. 

Lunch  Allowance,  working  girls,  47. 

Lunch  Room  Facilities,  need  for,  in 
business  establishments,  166-167. 

Lunch  Rooms,  Commercial,  see  Restau- 
rants. 

Lunches,  20-64;  methods  of  obtaining,  21, 
23,  33;  places  for  eating,  22-24;  rela- 
tion of  wages  to,  24-28;  length  of 
noon  hour,  29-30;  character  of  work, 
30-34;  by  nationality,  33-35;  cooking 
facilities  for,  35-36;  kind  of  food 
brought  from  home,  37-42;  typical 
lunch,  37;  box  lunches,  42;  fruit 
venders  as  sources  of  supply,  42,  44; 
prices  paid  by  employees,  43;  kind 
supplied  by  commercial  restaurants, 
44-47;  combinations  and  prices,  45- 
46;  department  store  cafeterias,  47- 
49;  quality  and  prices  in  restaurants 
and  employees’  cafeterias,  49-54; 
variety  of  food  secured  in  cafeterias, 
54-58;  types  of  lunch  rooms,  59-60; 
prices  paid  by  men  and  women  em- 
ployees, 59;  predominant  prices,  OI- 
OS; put  up  by  organized  houses,  111; 
of  dispensary  patients,  151,  152; 

suggested  improvements,  163-167; 
questionnaire  used,  189. 

Luxuries,  absence  of,  in  diet  of  dispensary 
patients,  140,  143. 


Macaroni,  frequency  of  occurrence  in 
menus,  95,  99;  as  substitute  for  vege- 
tables, 113;  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 138,  139;  by  nationality,  145; 
in  constipation  cases,  150;  in  diet  of 
wage  earners,  166. 

Machine  Operators,  strain  of  work,  157; 
hours,  158. 

Management,  organized  houses,  Boston 
and  vicinity,  107-108. 

Marital  Condition,  women  dispensary 
patients,  131. 

Meal  Hours,  see  Lunches;  also  Noon 
Period. 

Meals,  prepared  in  room,  83-84;  cost 
compared  with  restaurants,  85-86; 
manner  of  serving,  153-154;  irregular 
periods  for,  154;  minimum  cost  at 
restaurants,  169.  See  also  Light 
Housekeeping. 

Meat,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  40,  90,  97, 
100;  frequency  of  use,  94,  96;  on 
menus  of  organized  houses,  109-112; 
as  protein  source,  118;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  137,  138,  140, 
143,  144,  149;  in  Russian  diet,  143; 
in  constipation  cases,  150,  152,  153; 
in  diet  of  low-wage  earners,  174,  175. 

Men,  predominant  prices  paid  for  lunch,  61 ; 
cost  of  necessary  food,  175. 

Menus,  average,  18;  retail  prices  in  con- 
nection with,  19;  variety  of  food,  37- 
42,  89-93;  prices,  43-47;  sample 
menus,  52-53,  97,  152-153;  served  by 
organized  houses,  110-112;  variety  re- 
quired, 114,  173-176;  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 140,  143. 

Menus,  Economical,  need  for  instruction 
in,  163. 

Mercantile  Establishments,  list  of,  hav- 
ing cafeterias  for  employees,  194. 

Metabolism,  women  in  different  occupa- 
tions, 116. 

Milk,  in  average  menu,  18,  39,  46,  90; 
frequency  of  use,  92,  174;  menus  of 
organized  houses,  110-113;  as  protein 
source,  118;  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 136,  140,  142,  143,  152-153, 
197;  in  constipation  cases,  146,  148, 
149;  in  diet  of  high-wage  worker,  174. 

Mineral  Substances,  in  diet  of  women 
adrift,  92,  98;  in  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 136,  140,  141,  142,  147,  197;  in 
constipation  cases,  148,  151,  152;  in 
diet  of  high-wage  workers,  174. 

Minimum  Wage,  department  stores,  25. 


210 


INDEX. 


Money  Wages,  proportion  of  women 
workers  receiving,  14,  15. 

Monotony,  in  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
140,  149,  152. 

Morbidity  Statistics,  lack  of,  182-183. 
Mutton,  see  Meat. 


Nationality  of  Workers,  relation  to 
kind  of  lunch,  33-35;  to  kind  of  food, 
37-42;  women  adrift,  70,  71;  dispen- 
sary patients,  128,  130,  132,  134,  143- 
147,  149. 

Nerve-strain,  industrial,  157-158. 

Nervous  Irritability,  from  stimulants, 
175. 

New  England  Kitchen,  establishment,  3. 

New  York  Association  for  Improving 
the  Condition  of  the  Poor,  mention 
of  dietary,  176. 

New  York  City,  statistics  of  women  at 
work,  14-16;  retail  food  prices  com- 
pared with  Boston,  17;  living  arrange- 
ments of  women  workers,  66;  cost  of 
living,  women  adrift,  79,  80;  rates  of 
boarding  homes,  120-121. 

Noon  Lunch,  see  Lunches. 

Noon  Period,  relation  of  length  to  kind 
of  lunch,  26-30;  relation  to  wage,  26, 
29;  use  made  of,  31-32;  dispensary 
patients,  153. 

Nutrition  Disorders,  see  Digestive 
Disorders. 

Nuts,  in  average  menu,  39,  46. 


Occupation,  relation  to  kind  of  lunch,  30- 
34;  to  length  of  noon  hour,  30,  32; 
women  adrift,  69,  70;  women  living 
in  organized  houses,  103-105;  dispen- 
sary patients,  131,  132,  133,  134,  135; 
families  of  patients,  155;  relation  to 
health,  157-159. 

Octavia  Hill  Tenements,  mention  of, 
172. 

Office  Workers,  inclusion  in  study,  20; 
methods  of  obtaining  noon  lunch,  21; 
eating  facilities,  22;  wages,  25-27; 
kind  of  lunch,  26,  28,  35;  noon  period, 
29-30,  163;  use  of  spare  time,  31,  32; 
parentage  and  nativity,  33;  use  of 
cooking  facilities  provided,  36-37; 
prices  paid  for  lunches,  43,  45-47; 
number  living  in  organized  houses, 
104. 

Ohio,  cost  of  living,  women  workers,  79, 
80. 


Organized  Houses,  food  and  expenses, 
101-125;  classes,  101;  when  estab- 
lished, 102;  capacity  of  different 
types,  103;  women  occupants,  103- 
106;  occupations  of  women,  104; 
weekly  earnings  of  women  in  subsidized 
houses,  105-106;  food  supplied  in 
Boston  houses,  106,  109—114;  menus, 
110-112;  purpose  and  management  of 
houses,  107-108;  adequacy  of  the 
food  supplied,  114-117;  prices  charged, 
115,  120-121,  124;  cost  of  food,  117- 
121;  methods  of  serving  food,  121- 
122;  factors  influencing  use  of  houses, 
122-125;  regulations,  122-124;  food, 
179-182;  charges,  179-180;  lack  of 
accounting  system,  180;  improve- 
ments suggested,  181-182;  question- 
naire used,  191. 

Overcrowding,  homes  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 156. 

Overhead  Charges,  employees’  cafeterias, 
63,  64. 

Paper-box  Factories,  living  arrange- 
ments of  women  workers,  67. 

Pastry,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  46,  91; 
frequency  of  use,  95;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  110-112;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  138,  139,  143, 
145;  in  constipation  cases,  150. 

Patients,  see  Dispensary  Patients. 

Peanut  Butter,  in  diet  of  wage  earners, 
166. 

Philadelphia,  statistics  of  women  at 
work,  14-16;  retail  food  prices  com- 
pared with  Boston,  17;  living  arrange- 
ments of  women  workers,  66. 

Physical  Strain,  effect  on  women,  184. 

Pickles,  in  diet  of  women  adrift,  90,  92; 
in  diet  of  dispensary  patients,  136, 
140,  142,  197;  in  constipation  cases, 
148. 

Pie,  in  average  menu,  38,  42,  45,  46,  91, 
96;  on  menus  of  organized  houses, 
110-111;  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
152. 

Piecework,  relation  to  wage,  163. 

Piece  Workers,  wages,  24-26;  lunches, 
25,  26,  35;  use  of  noon  period,  32. 

Pittsburg,  statistics  of  women  at  work, 
13-16;  retail  food  prices  compared 
with  Boston,  17;  living  arrangements 
of  women  workers,  66. 

Polish  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38-41. 

Pork,  see  Meat. 


INDEX, 


211 


Positions,  change  of,  dispensary  patients, 
158-159. 

Potatoes,  in  average  menu,  91;  in  low- 
wage  group,  93;  as  part  of  breakfast, 
96;  frequency  of  use,  98,  100;  on 
menu  of  organized  houses,  109-112; 
in  diet  of  dispensary  patients,  140, 
141,  147,  149,  152,  153;  in  constipa- 
tion cases,  151. 

Power  Machine  Operators,  lunches,  23; 
wages,  25;  noon  period,  30,  163;  use 
of  spare  time,  31. 

Power  Machines,  as  place  for  eating 
lunch,  22,  23. 

Preventable  Diseases,  relation  of  food 
to,  126-160. 

Prices,  retail,  statistics,  17,  19;  commercial 
restaurants,  43-47 ; employees’  cafe- 
terias, 47,  49-54,  61-64;  commercial 
cafeterias,  54;  predominant  prices, 
61,  63. 

Priscilla  Inn,  purpose  and  management, 
108. 

Professional  Service,  number  of  women 
engaged  in  living  in  organized  houses, 
104;  number  adrift,  105;  number  of 
dispensary  patients,  131,  133. 

Protein,  form  in  which  secured,  40;  varia- 
tion in,  with  wage,  89,  90,  93,  100; 
frequency  in  weekly  menu,  92,  94; 
in  menus  of  organized  houses,  115; 
source  of,  118;  in  diet  of  dispensary 
patients,  136,  137,  138,  140,  142,  197; 
increase  in  use  with  wage,  143;  in 
Russian  diet,  143-144,  146;  constipa- 
tion cases,  146,  148,  150,  152;  in  diet 
of  high-wage  earners,  174-175;  foods 
included,  198. 

Pudding,  in  average  menu,  18,  46,  91;  on 
menus  of  organized  houses,  110-112. 

Questionnaire,  forms  used  in  study,  187- 
193. 

Rates,  organized  houses,  110-112,  115; 
basis  for,  117,  119-121;  comparison 
with  Chicago  and  New  York  houses, 
120-121. 

Raw  Materials,  cost  in  employees’  cafe- 
terias, 61,  63;  in  school  lunch  service, 
86;  in  organized  houses,  112. 

Ready-to-serve  food,  minimum  daily 
cost,  169. 

Recreation,  noon  period,  employees’,  31- 
32,  35;  provided  by  organized  houses, 
124;  dispensary  patients,  159-160.  See 
also  Rest  Rooms. 


References,  requirements  of  organized 
houses,  123. 

Regulations,  organized  houses,  122-125. 

Religious  Liberty,  organized  houses,  123. 

Rent,  expenditure  of  self-supporting 
women  for,  75-78;  relation  to  in- 
come, 76-77;  in  suburbs,  173. 

Residence,  effect  on  expenditure  for  food 
and  rent,  75-78. 

Restaurants,  patronized  by  factory  work- 
ers, 43-47 ; prices  paid  by  patrons,  43, 
83,  84;  popular  dishes  and  combina- 
tions, 45-46;  kinds  of  food  in  lunch 
menus,  46;  positions  of  patrons,  47; 
patronized  by  women  adrift,  168,  169. 

Rest  Rooms,  employees,  60;  need  for,  165. 

Retail  Stores,  living  arrangements  of 
women  workers,  67.  See  also  De- 
partment Stores. 

Rice,  omission  from  menus,  99;  in  diet  of 
wage  earners,  166. 

Richards,  Mrs.  Ellen  H.,  mention  of, 
173. 

Roommates,  objection  to,  78,  171. 

Room  Rent,  see  Rent. 

Russian  Women,  kind  of  food  in  menu, 
38-41,  143-147,  149. 

Salads,  in  average  menu,  18,  46,  91,  98; 
on  menu  of  organized  houses,  110- 
113;  in  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
138,  141,  143,  147,  151;  inclusion,  198. 

St.  Louis,  statistics  of  women  at  work,  14- 
16;  retail  food  prices,  17;  living  ar- 
rangements of  women  workers,  66. 

St.  Helena’s  House,  purpose  and  manage- 
ment, 107. 

Saleswomen,  inclusion  in  study,  20; 
methods  of  obtaining  noon  lunch,  21, 
33;  lunch  facilities  22,  47-49;  propor- 
tion bringing  lunch  from  home,  23; 
wages,  25;  length  of  noon  period,  29- 
30,  32;  use  of  spare  time,  31,  32, 
nationality  in  relation  to  kind  of  lunch, 
33-35;  number  living  in  organized 
houses,  104;  dispensary  patients,  131, 
132,  133;  diagnoses,  135,  working 
conditions,  157;  hours,  158. 

Sandwiches,  in  average  menu,  18,  38; 
fillings  used,  40;  meat  and  fish  pre- 
ferred by  different  nationalities,  41; 
restaurant  prices,  45;  lunches  put  up 
by  organized  houses,  113. 

School  Luncheons,  when  started,  3;  cost 
to  individual,  46;  per  cent,  of  cost  for 
raw  material,  86;  public  function, 
165-166. 


212 


INDEX. 


School  Lunch  Department,  Women’s 
Educational  and  Industrial,  men- 
tion of,  86. 

Seamstresses,  metabolism,  116. 

Self-supporting  Women,  food  problem, 
65-100;  living  arrangements,  66-67, 
81-85;  occupations,  Boston  group,  69; 
age  and  nativity,  70-71;  wages,  70, 
72-95,  98,  99;  expenditure  for  food, 
72-89;  per  cent,  of  income  spent  for 
food,  75;  effect  of  residence  on  expendi- 
ture, 75-77;  expenditure  for  rent,  76- 
78;  for  food  and  rent  combined,  78- 
82;  expenditures  of  low-wage  group, 
88-89;  variety  in  choice  of  food,  89- 
93;  dietary  habits,  93-99;  number  of 
women  adrift  in  Boston,  100. 

Serving,  methods  employed  in  organized 
houses,  121-122;  in  homes  of  dispen- 
sary patients,  153-154. 

Sex,  dispensary  patients,  127. 

Sickness,  prevalent  forms  among  women, 
183. 

Simmons  College  Alumni  Association, 
co-operation  in  securing  schedules,  68. 

Sleeping  Arrangements,  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 156. 

Social  Insurance,  problem  of  women 
adrift,  167-168. 

Somerville,  living  expenses  of  women 
adrift,  77. 

Soup,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  46,  90; 
frequency  of  use,  92;  on  menus  of 
organized  houses,  110-112;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  136,  140,  142, 
146,  152,  153;  in  constipation  cases, 
146-148;  frequency  in  diet  of  dispen- 
sary patients,  197. 

South  End,  price  of  board,  75;  room  rent, 
77. 

Spare  Time,  use  made  by  employees,  31- 
32. 

Standard  of  Living,  readjustment  of, 
162-163;  women  adrift,  168-176;  per- 
manent character  of  living  arrange- 
ments, 170-171.  See  also  Cost  of 
Living. 

Staple  Food,  in  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
140. 

Stimulants,  in  diet  of  low-wage  workers, 
174. 

Students,  living  expenses  in  Boston,  87; 
boarding  homes,  102-103;  number  in 
organized  houses,  103. 

Subsidized  Boarding  Houses,  number  in 
Boston,  101;  date  of  establishment, 


102;  capacity  and  occupants,  103; 
earnings  of  women  occupants,  105- 
106;  lack  of  business  methods,  117; 
methods  of  raising  funds,  119;  regula- 
tions, 123. 

Supper,  time  taken  for,  153;  manner  of 
serving,  153-154. 

Swedish  Women,  variety  of  food  in  menu, 
38-39,  41. 

Sweets,  in  menus  of  workers,  91,  93; 
increase  of,  with  wage,  100;  in  diet 
of  dispensary  patients,  149,  152.  See 
also  Candy. 

Table  Waste,  estimate  for,  115. 

Tea,  in  average  menu,  18,  39,  42,  46; 
frequency  of  use,  91;  in  low-wage 
group*  93;  as  part  of  breakfast,  93; 
on  menus  of  organized  houses,  110- 
113;  in  diet  of  dispensary  patients, 
146,  149,  152;  frequency  in  diet  of 
low-wage  workers,  174;  frequency  in 
diet  of  dispensary  patients,  197. 

Teachers,  number  living  in  organized 
houses,  104. 

Teeth,  influence  on  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 146,  156. 

Telephone  Operators,  number  living  in 
organized  houses,  104;  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 131;  wages,  132;  dispensary 
departments,  133;  diagnoses,  135; 
hours,  157,  158. 

Temporary  Home  for  Working  Women, 
purpose  and  management,  107. 

Trained  Nurses,  number  living  in  organ- 
ized houses,  104. 

Unemployment,  how  met  by  women  inter- 
viewed, 88. 

Variety  of  Food,  women  adrift,  37-42, 
173-176;  increase  with  wage,  89-93; 
on  menus  of  organized  houses,  106, 
109-114;  low-priced  and  high-priced 
houses,  109;  diet  of  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 140,  143;  noon  lunches,  165; 
method  of  calculating,  196-198. 

Vegetables,  in  average  menu,  18,  38,  40, 
46,  91;  increase  in  consumption  with 
wages,  93,  100;  frequency  of  use,  98; 
on  menus  of  organized  houses,  109- 
113;  as  protein  source,  118;  in  diet  of 
dispensary  patients,  138,  140,  141,  147; 
increase  in  use  with  wage,  143;  lack  of 
in  Russian  diet,  146;  in  diet  of  garment 
workers,  149;  in  constipation  cases, 


INDEX. 


213 


151;  in  diet  of  wage  earners,  166; 
frequency  of  use  of  by  low-wage 
workers,  174. 

Vocational  Education,  for  women,  172. 

Wage  Limit,  guests  in  organized  houses, 
123-124. 

Wages,  food  as  part,  14;  relation  to 
workers’  lunch,  24-29,  47;  to  length 
of  noon  period,  26,  29;  women  adrift, 
70,  72-83,  85,  87-100;  average  weekly, 
83;  low-wage  group,  88-89;  relation 
to  variety  in  menus,  89-93;  relation 
to  diet  of  dispensary  patients,  140, 
155.  See  also  Money  Wage. 

Waitress,  metabolism,  116. 

Waltham  Watch  Factory,  boarding 
home,  102. 

War,  effects  on  women,  167. 

Wash  Woman,  metabolism,  116. 

Water,  amount  taken  by  dispensary  pa- 
tients, 146. 

Weight,  comparison  of  working  women  and 
college  women,  182-183. 

Welfare  Work,  Employers’,  see  Cafe- 
terias, Employees’,  Cooking  Facili- 
ties, Rest  Rooms. 


Wellesley  College  Students,  compari- 
son of  physical  development  with  that 
of  wage-earning  women,  182-183. 

West  End,  living  expenses  of  women 
adrift,  77. 

Wilcox  Hall,  purpose  and  management, 
108. 

Women,  statistics  of  employment,  13-16. 

Women  Adrift,  number  in  Boston,  1900 
and  1910,  105;  increase  in  number, 
167-168;  living  arrangements,  168- 
173;  food,  173-176.  See  also  Self- 
supporting  Women. 

Work,  see  Occupation. 

Workrooms,  as  place  for  eating  lunch,  22. 

Working  Girls’  Homes,  see  Organized 
Houses. 

Working  Period,  women  adrift,  71. 

Young  Women,  importance  of  adequate 
diet,  162-163,  164. 

Young  Women’s  Christian  Association, 
Boston,  purpose  and  management, 
107;  Cambridge,  107;  French  Young 
Women’s  Christian  Association,  108; 
Roxbury,  108;  gymnasium  records, 
183-184. 


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